NAME: Buck Creek Gal: see Cripple Creek (II) (Buck Creek Girls) (File: SKE64)
===
NAME: Buck Creek Girls: see Cripple Creek (II) (Buck Creek Girls) (File: SKE64)
===
NAME: Buck Goat Song, The
DESCRIPTION: The singer loses a fight to a billy goat while digging potatoes. "Now Wilcox he thinks he's a boxer, Joe Louis he thinks he's just swell, But they'd all lose their bout in a hurry, If they had to fight that old bill"
AUTHOR: Edmund Chaffey
EARLIEST_DATE: 1977 (Lehr/Best)
KEYWORDS: fight humorous animal
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Lehr/Best 15, "The Buck Goat Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: LeBe015
===
NAME: Buck Sheep, The: see The Hesleys (File: FSC163)
===
NAME: Buck-Eye Rabbit
DESCRIPTION: "I wanted sugar very much, I went to Sugar Town, I climbed up in that sugar tree And shook that sugar down. Buck-eye rabbit, Shoo! Shoo!" "I went down to my sweetheart's house... She fed me out of an old hog trough And I don't go there no more"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1950
KEYWORDS: talltale humorous courting
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Lomax-FSNA 266, "Buck-Eye Rabbit" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #6706
File: LoF266
===
NAME: Buck-eyed Jim: see Buckeye Jim (File: LxU001)
===
NAME: Buckeye Jim
DESCRIPTION: "Way up yonder above the sky, A bluebird lived in a jaybird's eye. Buckeye Jim, you can't go, Go weave and spin, you can't go, Buckeye Jim." Vignettes of the lives of odd creatures in odd places
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1947
KEYWORDS: lullaby animal nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Lomax-FSUSA 1, "Buckeye Jim" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 388, "Buckeye Jim" (1 text)
DT, BUCKEYJM* BUCKEYE2*
Roud #10059
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Limber Jim"
cf. "Jaybird Died With the Whooping Cough" (floating lyrics)
File: LxU001
===
NAME: Bucking Broncho, The (The Broncho Buster) [Laws B15]
DESCRIPTION: A girl is in love with a bronco buster who has promised to give up his trade for her. She warns others not to rely on such promises; most breakers will leave their women to head up the trail on their horses
AUTHOR: claimed by James Hatch and Billie Davis (1882)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1904 ("The Rawhide" by Edward White, in McClure's Magazine)
KEYWORDS: cowboy love promise
FOUND_IN: US(Ro,So,SW)
REFERENCES: (13 citations)
Laws B15, "The Bucking Broncho (The Broncho Buster)"
Larkin, pp. 58-60, "My Love Is a Rider" (1 text, 1 tune)
Randolph 200, "The Bucking Bronco" (1 text plus 1 excerpt and 2 fragments, 1 tune, which Cohen implies might be wrongly transcribed)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 196-198, "The Bucking Bronco" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 200A)
Thorp/Fife XI, pp. 121-134 (26-27), "Bucking Broncho" (9 texts, 3 tunes)
Fife-Cowboy/West 60, "Bucking Broncho" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 417-418, "Bucking Bronco" (1 text)
Lomax-FSNA 199, "My Love is a Rider" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ohrlin-HBT 14, "My Love Is a Rider" (1 text, 1 tune)
Logsdon, pp. xix-xx, "(The Bucking Broncho)" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 163, "Bucking Bronco" (1 text)
Saffel-CowboyP, p. 200, "Bucking Broncho" (1 text)
DT 382, BUCKBRNC*
Roud #934
RECORDINGS:
Girls of the Golden West [Mildred & Dorothy Good], "Bucking Broncho (My Love is a Cowboy)" (Bluebird B-5752, 1935; on AuthCowboys)
Powder River Jack & Kitty Lee, "My Love is a Cowboy" (Bluebird B-5298, 1934; on WhenIWas2)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Cowboy's Hat
NOTES: Has anyone else noticed the remarkable number of possible double-entendres in this song? - PJS
This, I think, is the result of a dirty song being cleaned up -- probably by N. Howard Thorp. (At least, he confessed to cleaning it up. The question then becomes, what was the history of the song before the 1904 publication? Was it originally clean, then made dirty, then clean again? Or was it originally dirty, and twice expurgated? It's hard to tell, at this stage.)
Thorp, if Logsdon is to be believed, started the story that Belle Starr was responsible for this piece -- a claim mentioned though not really endorsed by Randolph, and also found in Larkin.
Randolph goes on to point out that there is no evidence that Starr ever wrote poetry of any kind. Logsdon is more pointed (p. xix), noting that Thorp claimed to have met Belle Starr but doubting he did so. The doubts seem reasonable -- Thorp did not make the claim until the 1920s, but Starr died in 1889. Thus, if Thorp *did* meet her, it was well before he first published the song. So why didn't he mention her authorship in his 1908 edition?
Starr of course has become a legend -- so much so that I'm frankly amazed there are no songs about her (other than Woody Guthrie's, which is not traditional and which swallows the legend hook, line, and sinker). She did lead a wild and adventurous life -- but many of the stories about her seem to be things she invented - RBW

File: LB15
===
NAME: Bucking Bronko, The: see The Bucking Broncho (The Broncho Buster) [Laws B15] (File: LB15)
===
NAME: Bud Jones
DESCRIPTION: A tramp stops at the home of "a snug little farmer that earns his bread ... and some dinner requested." The farmer agrees to trade dinner for work. After a hard luck story about why he can't work the tramp agrees to turn a ram. The ram does not agree.
AUTHOR: Lawrence Doyle
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973 (Dibblee/Dibblee)
KEYWORDS: farming humorous animal migrant
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Dibblee/Dibblee, pp. 108-109, "Bud Jones" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #12457
File: Dib108
===
NAME: Budd Lake Plains
DESCRIPTION: Singer tells of working as camp cook at Frank Young's lumber camp on Budd Lake plains. He is stuck with bad provisions. Eventually he's jailed for twelve days; on his release, he vows not to return
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1941 (Beck)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Singer tells of coming to Frank Young's lumber camp on Budd Lake plains, working as camp cook. He is stuck with bad provisions -- "Many a poor mule's been killed up on Budd's Lake plains." Eventually he's jailed for twelve days; on his release, he vows not to return: "For since I have got out/I won't go again/For they wear striped pants/Up around Budd Lake plains."
KEYWORDS: lumbering work prison food cook
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Beck 15, "Budd Lake Plains" (1 text)
Roud #8866
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Lumber Camp Song" and references there
cf. "Punchin' Dough" (theme)
cf. "Boomer Johnson" (theme)
NOTES: Clare County, Michigan, which includes Budd Lake, had a reputation as a rough and tough area.
Beck notes that only one informant could remember the song. - PJS
File: Be015
===
NAME: Budded Roses: see Down Among the Budded Roses (File: RcDATBR)
===
NAME: Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line
DESCRIPTION: First verse describes leasing out of convicts to act as scabs in a miners' strike; rest of song describes bad conditions for the convicts.
AUTHOR: Uncle Dave Macon?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (collected by Robert W. Gordon; text in Green-Miner)
KEYWORDS: strike labor-movement mining work scab prisoner
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Green-Miner, p. 195-197,"Roll Down the Line"; p. 198, "Convict Song" (1 text); p. 210, "Chain Gang Special" (1 text); p. 203, "Roll Down the Line" (1 text, 1 tune); p. 208, "Lone Rock Song" (1 text); p. 216 ,"Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line" (1 text, transcribed from Uncle Dave Macon's recording); p. 220, "Rollin' Down the Line" (1 text); p. 223, "Lone Rock Mine Song" (1 text); p. 225, "Humpy Hargis" (1 text)
Asch/Dunson/Raim, p. 98 "Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line" (1 text, 1 tune)
Cohen/Seeger/Wood, pp. 204-205, "Buddy, Won't You Roll Down the Line" (1 text, 1 tune)
Darling-NAS, pp. 366-367, "Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line" (1 text)
ST ADR98 (Full)
RECORDINGS:
The Allen Brothers, "Hey Buddy, Won't You Roll Down the Line" (Vocalion 02818, 1934); "Roll Down the Line" (Victor 23551, 1931; Bluebird B-5700, 1934; Bluebird B-6148, 1935; rec. 1930)
Thaddeus Goodson & Belton Rice, "Roll Down the Line" (AFS 3792, 1939)
Uncle Dave Macon, "Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line" (Brunswick 292, 1929; rec. 1928; on AAFM3)
Negro prisoners, Memphis, TN, "Rollin' Down the Line" (AFS 174)
Pete Seeger & Sonny Terry, "Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line" (on SeegerTerry)
Pete Seeger, "Roll Down the Line" (on PeteSeeger13)
William H. Stevens, "Convict Song" (AFS A-107, 1925)
[Wilmer] Watts & [Frank] Wilson "Chain Gang Special" (Paramount 3019, 1927/Broadway 8114 [as Weaver & Wiggins], n.d.; on RoughWays1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Coal Creek Troubles" (subject)
cf. "The Irish Girl" (lyrics)
NOTES: This strike apparently took place in Tennessee in the 1880s, according to notes in Asch/Dunson/Raim.
Like most of Uncle Dave Macon's songs, this piece is basically free-association. - PJS
Though it may in fact predate him. He gave it the authentic Uncle Dave spin, but how many other Uncle Dave songs have such strong historical roots? Many believe the song to go back to the actual event it describes. (For details, see the notes to "Coal Creek Troubles.") - RBW
Macon's song seems to have been a rewrite of "Chain Gang Special," with the "leased the convicts out" verse tacked onto a song that's basically the lament of a black convict who's been sentenced to the chain gang. The racial overtones that Macon softens are clear in the Watts & Wilson recording: "Big nigger, won't you roll down the line." Interestingly, their song is clearly (and sympathetically) told from the black prisoner's point of view, rare for a white band.
"Lone Rock Mine Song" and "Humpy Hargis" date from the early 1890s, but they are fragments; I've somewhat arbitrarily placed the Earliest Date for a non-fragmentary version of the song at 1925, when it was collected by Gordon from William H. Stevens. - PJS
File: ADR98
===
NAME: Budgeon It Is a Delicate Trade, The: see references under The Miller of Dee (File: K229A)
===
NAME: Buena Vista: see On Buena Vista's Battlefield (File: R225A)
===
NAME: Buffalo Boy
DESCRIPTION: The girl asks the Buffalo Boy when they will wed. He suggests soon. (Assorted stanzas follow.) She asks who he will bring to the wedding. He suggests his children. She didn't know he had children. When assured he does, she calls off the wedding
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (recording, Mr. & Mrs. Ernest V. Stoneman)
KEYWORDS: courting wedding children rejection humorous
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Lomax-FSNA 162, "Buffalo Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 345, "Buffalo Boy" (1 text)
Roud #313
RECORDINGS:
Mr. & Mrs. Ernest V. Stoneman, "The Mountaineer's Courtship" (OKeh 45125, 1927; on AAFM3) (Victor 20880, 1927)
The Hillbillies, "Mountaineer's Courtship" (Vocalion 5115, c. 1927)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Country Courtship" (theme)
NOTES: Kennedy considers this to be a version of "The Country Courtship," and the forms, and even the verses, are similar. Roud lumps them. However, this version has a different punch line. - RBW
File: LoF162
===
NAME: Buffalo Gals
DESCRIPTION: As requested, the Buffalo [Bowery, etc.] girls promise to come out tonight, to dance or otherwise disport themselves by the light of the moon.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: A Christy Minstrels' version was copyright in 1848
KEYWORDS: bawdy playparty dancing
FOUND_IN: US(MW,SE,So)
REFERENCES: (13 citations)
Randolph 535, "Buffalo Gals" (2 texts plus an excerpt and a fragment, 1 tune)
BrownIII 81, "Buffalo Gals" (2 short texts); also 491, "We'll Have a Little Dance Tonight, Boys" (1 fragment, too short to properly classify but it might go here)
Scarborough-NegroFS, pp. 112-114, (no title) and "Buffalo Gals" (2 texts plus a fragment possibly from this, 1 tune)
Randolph-Legman I, pp. 424-425, "Buffalo Gals" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSUSA 33, "Buffalo Gals" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 288-290, "Louisiana Girls" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fife-Cowboy/West 101, "Buffalo Gals" (3 texts, 1 tune)
Botkin-AmFolklr, p. 841, "(Buffalo Gals)" (1 text, 1 tune)
MHenry-Appalachians, p. 233, (fourth of four "Fragments from Maryland") (1 fragment)
Arnett, p. 58, "Buffalo Gals" (1 text, 1 tune)
Spaeth-WeepMore, pp. 107-108, "Buffalo Gals" (1 text, 1 tune)
PSeeger-AFB, p. 34, "Buffalo Gals" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 36, "Buffalo Gals" (1 text)
ST R535 (Full)
Roud #738
RECORDINGS:
Fiddlin' John Carson, "Alabama Gal" (OKeh 40204, 1924)
Collins & Harlan, "Ain't You Coming Out To-Night?" (CYL: Edison [4-min.] 480, n.d.)
Crockett's Kentucky Mountaineers, "Buffalo Gal's Medley" (Crown 3075, c. 1930)
Harlan Miner's Fiddlers [pseud. for Crockett's Kentucky Mountaineers], "Buffalo Gals" (Montgomery Ward M-3022, 1931) [I am assuming this is a different recording from Crown 3075, as the latter is a medley]
Vernon Dalhart, "Ain't-Ya Comin' Out Tonight?" (Columbia 257-D, 1924)
Vernon Dalhart & Co., "Ain't You Comin' Out Tonight?" (Edison 51430, 1924)
Frank Hutchison, "Alabama Gal Ain't You Coming Out Tonight" (OKeh 45313, 1929; rec. 1928)
Earl Johnson & his Dixie Entertainers [or Earl Johnson and his Clodhoppers], "Alabama Girl Ain't You Comin' Out Tonight" (OKeh 45300, 1929; rec. 1928)
Guy Massey, "Ain't Ya Comin' Out Tonight" (Perfect 12170, 1924)
Shorty McCoy, "Buffalo Gals" (Bluebird 33-0511, 1944)
Pickard Family, "Buffalo Gals" (Brunswick 363/Banner 6371/Conqueror 7326, 1929)
Riley Puckett, "Alabama Gal" (Columbia 15185-D, 1927)
Bookmiller Shannon, "Buffalo Gals" [instrumental] (on LomaxCD1707)
Pete Seeger, "Buffalo Gals" (on PeteSeeger17)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Hangtown Gals" (tune)
cf. "Horsham Boys" (tune)
cf. "Gwine Follow" (partial form)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Alabama Gals
NOTES: According to Spaeth (_A History of Popular Music in America_, p. 101), this originated as the Cool White (John Hodges) song "Lubly Fan" (1843). From the present perspective, it's hard to prove whether Hodges actually did write the thing or borrowed an existing piece -- but I rather suspect the latter. - RBW
File: R535
===
NAME: Buffalo Hunters
DESCRIPTION: "Come all you pretty fair maidens, these lines to you I write, We're going on the range in which we take delight...." The singer describes hunting buffalo and other animals in the west, then heads off for a drink
AUTHOR: "Whiskey" Parker ?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1943
KEYWORDS: hunting drink
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fife-Cowboy/West 2, "The Buffalo Hunters" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #4633
NOTES: Reportedly written by "Whisky" Parker in 1872, although the supporting evidence is slight. - RBW
File: FCW002
===
NAME: Buffalo Range (I): see The Buffalo Skinners [Laws B10a] (File: LB10A)
===
NAME: Buffalo Range (II), The
DESCRIPTION: The singer declares "I wouldn't exchange the buffalo range For the world and all of its gold." It is where he makes his home, and where he'll "live and die." He describes the beautiful wildlife. He "thank[s] the Great Boss in the sky" for creating it
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1966
KEYWORDS: home religious cowboy nonballad
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fife-Cowboy/West 127, "The Buffalo Range" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: Obviously not to be confused with "The Buffalo Skinners." - RBW
File: FCW127
===
NAME: Buffalo Skinners, The [Laws B10a]
DESCRIPTION: A promoter named (Crego) hires a group of men to skin buffalo. He consistently cheats and mistreats them. Eventually they kill him
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1910
KEYWORDS: work murder boss revenge
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (15 citations)
Laws B10a, "The Buffalo Skinners"
Leach, pp. 773-775, "Canaday I. O. (The Buffalo Skinners)" (2 texts, but only the first goes with this piece; the other belongs with "Canaday I-O" [Laws C17])
Friedman, p. 429, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text)
PBB 110, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text)
Sandburg, pp. 270-272, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text, 1 tune)
Thorp/Fife XV, pp. 195-218 (31-33), "Buffalo Range" (6 texts, 2 tunes, though the "B" text is "Boggy Creek," C and D appear unrelated, and E is "Canada-I-O")
Larkin, pp. 91-94, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSUSA 52, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 390-392, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-AmFolklr, pp. 854-855, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text, 1 tune)
LPound-ABS, 84, pp. 181-183, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text)
Darling-NAS, pp. 169-170, "The Buffalo Skinners" (1 text)
PSeeger-AFB, p. 63, "Buffalo Skinners" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 110, "Buffalo Skinners" (1 text)
DT 377, BUFFSKIN* BUFFSKI2
Roud #634
RECORDINGS:
Bill Bender, The Happy Cowboy, "Buffalo Skinners" (Varsity 5144, c. 1940)
Woody Guthrie, "Buffalo Skinners" (on Struggle1, Struggle2, CowFolkCD1)
John A. Lomax, "Buffalo Skinners" (AFS, 1940s; on LC28)
Pete Seeger, "Buffalo Skinners" (on PeteSeeger13, AmHist1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Boggy Creek" [Laws B10b]
cf. "The Trail to Mexico [Laws B13]" (a few overlapping lyrics)
cf. "Canaday-I-O, Michigan-I-O, Colley's Run I-O" [Laws C17]
cf. "Shanty Teamster's Marseillaise" (plot)
cf. "Way Out in Idaho (I)" (lyrics, plot)
File: LB10A
===
NAME: Buffalo Whore, The: see The Winnipeg Whore (File: EM202)
===
NAME: Bugaboo, The: see The Foggy Dew (The Bugaboo) [Laws O3] (File: LO03)
===
NAME: Bugle Britches, The: see Trooper and Maid [Child 299] (File: C299)
===
NAME: Bugle, Oh!
DESCRIPTION: Corn-husking song. "Goin' down the country, bugle, oh (x2), Red breast horses, bugle oh!, Red breast horses, Bugle, oh! Oh, bugle, oh!" "Comin' in a canter, meet my darlin'." The lovers court, marry, dance, have a baby
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1920 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: courting work
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 197, "Bugle, Oh!" (1 text); 204, "Run, Sallie, My Gal" (1 text)
NOTES: The notes in Brown admit uncertainty as to whether his two pieces are one; they have no lyrics in common except the chorus, and that is distorted in one or the other. But both are listed as corn-shucking songs, they have that same chorus, and "Run, Sallie, My Gal" is a fragment; if they aren't the same, they also aren't worth separate entries. - RBW
File: Br3197
===
NAME: Build a House in Paradise
DESCRIPTION: "My brother build a house in Paradise, Build it without a hammer and a nail."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1867 (Allen/Ware/Garrison)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Allen/Ware/Garrison, p. 29, "Build a House in Paradise" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #11983
File: AWG029B
===
NAME: Building a Slide
DESCRIPTION: "Come all you young fellows from near, far, and wide, And I'll tell you a story of buliding a slide." The singer describes the loggers on the crew, thinks they are nearly done with work, and joins them in drinking
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1962 (Fowke)
KEYWORDS: work logger lumbering moniker
FOUND_IN: Canada(Ont)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fowke-Lumbering #18, "Building a Slide" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #4386
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Logger's Alphabet" (tune, chorus)
cf. "Chapeau Boys" (lyrics)
File: FowL18
===
NAME: Building of Solomon's Temple, The [Laws Q39]
DESCRIPTION: A Masonic ballad referring to Solomon as a "freemason king"! The ballad details the building of the Jerusalem temple, including the vast crews which worked on it. The end of the ballad concerns modern Freemasonry
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1827 (Journal from the Galaxy)
KEYWORDS: royalty Bible
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: c. 960-c. 921 B.C.E. - Reign of King Solomon in Israel. (Both dates have about a ten year margin for error.) Solomon began to build the Temple early in his "fourth year" (i.e. c. 957); he finished it seven years and six months later
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar) Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (7 citations)
Laws Q39, "The Building of Solomon's Temple"
Huntington-Whalemen, pp. 309-312, "Song of Solomon's Temple" (1 text, 1 tune)
Greig #148, pp. 1-2, "The Building of Solomon's Temple" (1 text) 
GreigDuncan3 467, "The Freemason King" (4 texts, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 159, "The Building of Solomon's Temple" (1 text, 1 tune)
cf. Gardner/Chickering, p. 480, "King Solomon's Temple" (source notes only)
DT 546, SOLTEMPL
Roud #1018
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Firth c.21(41), "The Free Mason King," The Poet's Box (Glasgow), 1858; also Firth c.21(40), "The Free Mason King"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Rules of Masonry" (theme: Building the First Temple)
cf. "The Plumb and Level" (theme: Building the First Temple)
NOTES: The building of the Temple occupies chapters 5-8 of 1 Kings (and 2 Chronicles chapters 2-6 with a foreshadowing in 1 Chron. 28-29). Chapter 5 describes the preparations (negotiations with Tyre, gathering of the materials, and -- in 5:13-18 -- the assembly of the laborers); Chapter 6 the building; Chapter 7 the furnishings (with an aside about Solomon's other projects), and Chapter 8 the dedication. - RBW
File: LQ39
===
NAME: Buinnean Bui: see An Buinnean Bui (File: HHH830)
===
NAME: Buinnean Bui, An
DESCRIPTION: (Gaelic.) The singer laments to see the dead buinnean (bittern) upon the shore, and conjectures "Not want of food," but rather lack of liquor, killed the bird. He laments the bird. His wife wants him to drink less, but he cannot live without drink
AUTHOR: Gaelic: Cathal Buidhe MacGiolla Gunna (or Cathal Buidhe MacElgun, or Cathal Bui Mac Giolla Gunna) (Tawny Charlie) (1680-?) (source for date: Tunney-StoneFiddle)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939 (Sam Henry collection); Hoagland gives the author's date as c. 1750
KEYWORDS: drink death bird foreignlanguage
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
SHenry H830, pp. 64-65, "The Yellow Bittern/An Bunnan Buidhe" (1 text, 1 tune)
Tunney-StoneFiddle, p. 170, "An Bunnan Bui" (1 text)
ADDITIONAL: Bell/O Conchubhair, Traditional Songs of the North of Ireland, pp. 88-90, "An Buinnean Bui" ("The Yellow Bittern") [Gaelic and English]
Kathleen Hoagland, editor, One Thousand Years of Irish Poetry (New York, 1947), pp. 235-236, "The Yellow Bittern" (1 text, translated by Thomas MacDonogh)
Donagh MacDonagh and Lennox Robinson, _The Oxford Book of Irish Verse_ (Oxford, 1958, 1979), pp. 117-118, "The Yellow Bittern" (1 text, translated by Thomas MacDonogh)
ADDITIONAL: Thomas Kinsella, _The New Oxford Book of Irish Verse_ (Oxford, 1989), pp. 200-201, "The Yellow Bittern"  (1 text, seemingly translated by Kinsella)
Roud #5332
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Buinnean Bui
NOTES: This has to be the feeblest excuse for alcoholism I've ever seen.
The poet allegedly saw a dead bittern by a frozen shore around 1700, and this song is the result. It seems to have been variously translated. It's worth noting that human interference extirpated bitterns from Ireland. - RBW
Tunney-StoneFiddle includes Paddy Tunney's English translation (no Gaelic).
TBell/O Conchubhair: "One hard winter's morning, perhaps 'hungover' after a night's or even many nights' carousing, he [Cathal Bui] came across a yellow bittern, lying stiff and cold; lost for a sip from the water of the frozen lake." - BS
File: HHH830
===
NAME: Buinnean Buidhe: see An Buinnean Bui (File: HHH830)
===
NAME: Bull Connor's Jail
DESCRIPTION: "Down in Alabama, In the land of Jim Crow, There is a place where Lots of folks go. Birmingham jailhouse, Birmingham jail, Waiting for freedom in Bull Connor's jail." How three thousand peaceful protesters were harassed and imprisoned by Connor
AUTHOR: Words: Guy & Candie Carawan, Ernie Marrs
EARLIEST_DATE: 1963
KEYWORDS: discrimination prison political
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: May 1963 - The Birmingham demonstrations against segregation. Children and adults were attacked by police officers and police dogs commanded by Bull Connor, who was responsible for "public security."
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Scott-BoA, pp. 372-373, "Bull Connor's Jail" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Down in the Valley" (tune) and references there
File: SBoA372
===
NAME: Bull Dog Down in Tennessee
DESCRIPTION: Parody of "The Girl I Left in Sunny Tennessee." Singer goes to court his girl, but her father sics a bulldog on him. As the dog attacks him, he flees over the hills and hollers back to his home
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (recording, Doc Walsh)
KEYWORDS: courting derivative humorous parody dog father lover
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #7879
RECORDINGS:
Ashley & Foster, "Bull Dog Sal" (unissued, prob. Vocalion, 1933; on StuffDreans1)
Lester P. Bivins, "Bull Dog Down in Tennessee" (Bluebird B-6950/Montgomery Ward M-7229. 1937)
Carolina Tar Heels, "The Bulldog Down in Sunny Tennessee" (Victor 20941, 1927)
Doc Walsh, "Bull Dog Down in Tennessee" (Columbia 15057-D, 1926; rec. 1925)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Girl I Left in Sunny Tennessee" (tune, object of parody)
NOTES: It was a tossup whether these recordings should be entered as "Same Tune" items under "Girl I Left In Sunny Tennessee" or given their own entry. But the song has its own distinct plot, and it managed to get into the repertoires of several performers, so I decided to dignify it. - PJS
File: RcBDDITe
===
NAME: Bull Frog, The: see Kemo Kimo (File: R282)
===
NAME: Bull Run (War Song)
DESCRIPTION: "Away down in Belden Green... The whole earth shook in a quiver; Every devil had done his best To outrun the rest To get back to Washington to shelter." After the Union defeat, Abe Lincoln laments the cost of the battle
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1917 (Cox)
KEYWORDS: Civilwar battle
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: July 21, 1861 - First battle of Bull Run/Manasses fought between the Union army of McDowell and the Confederates under J. E. Johnston and Beauregard
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
JHCox 68, "Bull Run"; 69, "War Song" (2 texts, the latter perhaps mixed with "The Happy Land of Canaan")
Roud #5459
NOTES: The First Battle of Bull Run did indeed end in a Union rout. This was, however, an oddly minor result. The Union army was made up mostly of volunteers called up for only ninety days of service; they were greener than grass, and not really able to fight, but the politicians forced Irvin McDowell to lead his troops into battle before their enlistments expired.
The Confederates, equally green, had the advantage of the defensive, and so were able to hold on. The Union army retreated, and the retreat became a rout, with soldiers streaming back to Washington. But the Confederates, as disorganized by victory as the Union troops were by defeat (and badly disposed; Beauregard's staff was so bad that more than half his troops were acting in response to orders Beauregard had thought meant something else), were unable to pursue.
Cox does not recognize the second of these texts, which he calls "War Song," as the same as the first. It seems clear to me, however, that they are.
The confusion comes in the first line. Cox's "Bull Run" begins
  Away down in Beldon Green, where the like was never seen
  The whole earth shook in a quiver.
The "War Song" starts
  Down in Bowling Green, such a sight was never seen,
  The earth all stood in a quiver.
The temptation, of course, is to associate the latter piece with a battle of Bowling Green (Kentucky). But there was no battle of Bowling Green. In 1861, the Confederate forces of Leonidas Polk moved into that part of Kentucky, and Albert Sidney Johnston had his headquarters there in late 1861 and early 1862, but Johnston's position was weak and he retreated without battle after Fort Donelson fell.
Braxton Bragg's 1862 invasion of Kentucky never moved as far west as Bowling Green. After that, except for a few minor cavalry raids, the Confederates never came close to Kentucky.
The only reasonable supposition is that "Bowling Green" is an error for the "Belden Green" of "Bull Run," or perhaps that "Bowling Green" refers not to a town but to an actual bowling green. - RBW
File: JHCox068
===
NAME: Bull Yorkens: see Bold Larkin (Bull Yorkens) (File: Pea907)
===
NAME: Bull-Whacker, The: see Root, Hog, or Die! (III -- The Bull-Whacker) (File: LoF171)
===
NAME: Bulldog and the Bullfrog, The: see The Bulldog On The Bank (File: FSWB399B)
===
NAME: Bulldog on the Bank, The
DESCRIPTION: "Oh, the bulldog on the bank, and the bullfrog in the pool (x3), The bulldog called the bullfrog a green old water fool." Animals interact, with unusual results: A snapper catches the bullfrog's paw; a monkey gives an owl ink to drink; etc.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: nonballad humorous animal
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Silber-FSWB, p. 399, "The Bullfrog On The Bank" (1 text)
Pankake-PHCFSB, p. 47, "The Bulldog and the Bullfrog" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #15368
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "John Brown's Body" (tune & meter) and references there
File: FSWB399B
===
NAME: Bullfrog
DESCRIPTION: "Bullfrog jumped in the middle of the spring, And I ain't a-gwine to weep no mo'. He tied his tail to a hick'ry limb...." "He kicked an' he rared an' he couldn't make a jump." Chorus expresses a wish to go to heaven
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (Scarborough)
KEYWORDS: animal humorous
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Scarborough-NegroFS, p. 198, "Bullfrog" (1 text, 1 tune, though the chorus may be imported from "I Hope I'll Join the Band"); also p. 199, (no title) (1 fragment)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "I Hope I'll Join the Band (Soon in the Morning)" (lyrics)
File: ScaNF198
===
NAME: Bullgine Run, The: see Margot Evans (Let the Bullgine Run) (File: LoF029)
===
NAME: Bullhead Boat, The
DESCRIPTION: Singer, a mule-driver, gets work steering a canal boat. One pilot is killed by a low bridge. The singer spies a low bridge, but fails to warn the (drunken) captain, as he's busy tumbling end over end. He warns listeners never to drive a bullhead boat.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1986 (recording, Art Thieme)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Singer, a mule-driver, gets work steering a canal boat; it's miserable work, and the captain drinks. One pilot is killed by a low bridge. One day the singer spies a low bridge coming, but fails to warn the (drunken) captain, as he's busy tumbling end over end. He warns listeners never to drive a bullhead boat, but rather spend their time on a line barge; "The bridge you won't be hatin'/And you'll live till Judgement Day"
KEYWORDS: warning death canal ship work worker
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
DT, BULLHEAD
RECORDINGS:
Art Thieme, "The Bullhead Boat" (on Thieme04)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Erie Canal" (subject)
NOTES: According to Art Thieme, a bullhead boat was an unusually tall canal boat. Since most canal boats on America's early waterways were built low (e.g. the Erie Canal carried mostly barges), bridges over the canal were often quite low. This meant that serving on a bullhead boat could be quite dangerous. - RBW
File: RcTBulBo
===
NAME: Bullockies' Ball, The
DESCRIPTION: The bullock drivers hear word that there is to be a ball. They descend in great numbers. The drink flows freely, and the girls are not shy. Soon a brawl breaks out, and many of the partygoers wind up covered with loose food and/or bruises
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1968
KEYWORDS: fight drink party
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Meredith/Anderson, pp. 110-111, "The Bullockies' Ball" (1 text+fragments, 1 tune)
DT, BULLBALL*
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Finnegan's Wake" [Laws Q17] (theme)
NOTES: Meredith and Anderson consider this a parody of "Finnegan's Wake" [Laws Q17] - RBW
File: MA110
===
NAME: Bullocky-O
DESCRIPTION: "I draw for Speckle's Mill, bullocky-o, bullocky-o, And it's many a log I drew, bullocky-o... I'm the king of bullock drivers, don't you know, bullocky-o." The singer describes all the other (less competent) workers he competes against
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1959 (Queensland Pocket Songbook)
KEYWORDS: work moniker animal
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Manifold-PASB, pp. 136-137, "Bullocky-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Paterson/Fahey/Seal, pp. 217-218, "Bullocky-O" (1 text)
DT, BULLCKOH*
File: PASB136
===
NAME: Bullshit Bill
DESCRIPTION: "Bill has took it in his noddle For to take a little toddle Up the river where some gold he might be earning. For he took his pick and shovel And he closed his little hovel, For B.S.B. is leaving in the morning." He'll hunt gold rather than bet on horses
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1987
KEYWORDS: gold home rambling gambling
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Meredith/Covell/Brown, pp. 228-229, "Bullshit Bill" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: I strongly suspect that there is something missing here -- e.g. a description of how Bill got his nickname. But the piece is clearly un-bowdlerized (consider the title!), so I can't guess what it is. - RBW
File: MCB228
===
NAME: Bully Boat, The: see Ranzo Ray (File: Hugi247)
===
NAME: Bully Brown
DESCRIPTION: A failure as a coal-yard worker fails as a Liverpool policeman also and finally "shipped as a mate with Bully Brown." The captain kicks him out of the cabin and the sailors do not allow him in the bunk, so he "steals a pound of bread"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: work humorous sailor thief
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, pp. 862-863, "Bully Brown" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9805
File: Pea862
===
NAME: Bully in the Alley
DESCRIPTION: Shanty. Refrain: "So help me bob, I'm bully in the alley, Way-ay bully in the alley. So help me bob, I'm bully in the alley, bully down in Shinbone Al." Verses involve courting, being rejected by, and/or leaving Sally.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1914 (Sharp-EFC)
KEYWORDS: shanty courting rejection
FOUND_IN: West Indies Britain
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Hugill, pp. 522-523, "Bully in the Alley" (1 text, 1 tune) [AbEd, p. 382]
Sharp-EFC, XXXV, pp. 40-41, "Bully in the Alley" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, BULLYALL*
Roud #8287
NOTES: Hugill says that "Shinbone Alley" is a place name often referred to in American Negro songs. - SL
File: Hug522
===
NAME: Bully of the Town, The [Laws I14]
DESCRIPTION: The bully has terrorized the entire town, including even the police. At last a hunter catches up with him and kills him. The people rejoice; all the women "come to town all dressed in red."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1896 (published by Charles Trevathan)
KEYWORDS: murder punishment police clothes
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,SE,So)
REFERENCES: (7 citations)
Laws I14, "The Bully of the Town"
Leach, p. 767, "Lookin' for the Bully of the Town" (1 text)
Darling-NAS, pp. 242-243, "The Bully of the Town" (1 text)
MWheeler, p. 100, "Stacker Lee #1" (1 text, 1 tune -- a fragment, probably of this song though it does mention Stacker Lee)
Geller-Famous, pp. 97-99, "'The Bully' Song (May Irwin's 'Bully' Song)" (1 text, 1 tune)
Gilbert, pp. 209-210, "[Bully Song]" (1 partial text)
DT 823, BULLYTWN
Roud #4182
RECORDINGS:
Roy Acuff, "Bully of the Town" (Columbia 20561, 1949)
Fiddlin' John Carson & his Virginia Reelers, "Bully of the Town" (OKeh 40444, 1925)
Cherokee Ramblers, "Bully of the Town" (Decca 5123, 1935)
Sid Harkreader, "The Bully of the Town" (Paramount 3022, 1927; Broadway 8056, c. 1930)
Frankie Marvin, "The Bully of the Town" (Radiex 4149, 1927)
Lester McFarland & Robert Gardner, "Bully of the Town" (Brunswick 116, 1927)
McMichen's Hometown Band, "Bully of the Town" (OKeh 45034, c. 1926; rec. 1925)
Byrd Moore, "The Bully of the Town" (Gennett 6763, 1928/Supertone 9399 [as by Harry Carter])
North Carolina Hawaiians, "Bully of the Town" (OKeh 45297, 1929; rec. 1928)
Prairie Ramblers, "Lookin' for the Bully of the Town" (Melotone 6-08-56, 1936)
Ernest V. Stoneman, "Bully of the Town" (matrix  #7225-1 recorded 1927 and issued as Banner 2157/Domino 3984/Regal 8347/Homestead 16500 [as by Sim Harris]/Oriole 947 [as by Harris]/Challenge 665/Conqueror 7755, 1931/Pathe 32279/Perfect 12358/Supertone 32279/Cameo 8217/Romeo 597/Lincoln 2822) (Broadway 8056-D, c. 1930); Ernest V. Stoneman and the Dixie Mountaineers, "The Bully of the Town" (Edison 51951, 1927) (CYL: Edison [BA] 5314, 1927)
Gid Tanner & his Skillet Lickers, "Bully of the Town" (Columbia 15640-D, 1931; rec. 1930)
Gordon Tanner, Smokey Joe Miller & Uncle John Patterson, "Bully of the Town" (on DownYonder)
Tweedy Brothers, "The Bully of the Town" (Gennett 6447/Champion 15486, 1928)
BROADSIDES:
LOCSheet, rpbaasm 0994, "May Irwin's 'Bully' Song," White-Smith Music Publishing Co., (Boston), 1896 (tune)
SAME_TUNE:
Gid Tanner & his Skillet Lickers, "Bully of the Town - No. 2" (Columbia 15640-D, c. 1931)
NOTES: Laws describes "The (New) Bully" (for which cf. Spaeth, _Read 'Em and Weep_, pp. 193-195, or Gilbert, _Lost Chords_, pp. 209-210) as an offshoot of this traditional piece. Personally, I'd call "The New Bully" an arrangement, but I follow Laws.
Norm Cohen writes of this piece,
I discussed the history of The Bully in the brochure notes to JEMF LP 103:
Paramount Old Time Tunes....  "Basically, there are two received accounts of the genesis of this song. One was first published by James J. Geller in his "Famous Songs and their Stories (1931) [pp. 97-100, with the titles "'The Bully' Song" or "May Irwin's 'Bully' Song" - RBW]. This is the anecdote about sports writer and horse racing judge, Charles E. Trevathan, on the train back to Chicago from San Francisco in 1894, playing his guitar and humming popular airs to amuse the passengers around him among whom was May Irwin. He said he had learned the tune of "The Bully" from Tennessee blacks. Irwin suggested that he put [clean] words to the tune, which he did, and published it in 1896. She incorporated the song in her stage play, 'The Widow Jones.' 
The other account, first published, as far as I know, by E. B. Marks in 'They All Sang' (1934) is that the song was popularized before he got his hands on it by 'Mama Lou,' a short, fat, homely, belligerent powerhouse of a singer in Babe Connor's classy St. Louis brothel, a popular  establishment in the 1890s that drew from all social classes for its clientele.
Either Trevathan picked up the song from Mama Lou, or, equally likely, both learned it from black oral tradition in the South of the early 1890s.  In support of this position is the fact that there were several sheet music versions of 'The Bully' published, some preceding Trevathan's 1896 version."
Gilbert, p. 209, also mentions the connection to Mama Lou; he quotes Orrick Johns to the effect that she was "a gnarled, black African of the purest type [who] sang, with her powerful voice, a great variety of indigenous songs." Johns cites her as one of the earliest sources for "Frankie and Johnnie" and apparently for "Ta-ra-ra Boom-der-e." But Gilbert also notes a version in Delaney's songbook #12, from 1896, with words credited to Will Carleton and music by J. W. Cavanagh.
It does seem likely that May Irwin is largely responsible for the song's popularity. Irwin was a notable popular singer who was at the height of her powers in the 1890s; In Sigmund Spaeth's _A History of Popular Music in _America__ she is credited with the song, "Mamie, Come Kiss Your Honey Boy" (pp. 265-266), and with popularizing George M. Cohan's  "Hot Tamale Alley" (pp. 282, 339) as well as suh songs as "I Couldn't Stand to See My Baby Loose" (p. 347) and  "Mister Johnson, Turn Me Loose" (p. 285). She presumably also had some part in the song we index as "May Irwin's Frog Song (The Foolish Frog, Way Down Yonder)." Her biggest success of all (based on how many popular music histories mention it) was apparently "May Irwin's Bully Song," the Trevathan version of this song. - RBW
File: LI14
===
NAME: Bully, The: see references under The Bully of the Town [Laws I14] (File: LI14)
===
NAME: Bumblebee Cotton, Peckerwood Corn
DESCRIPTION: Liza grabs the singer, demanding sexual gratification. The singer responds appropriately.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: bawdy humorous seduction sex
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph-Legman I, pp. 325-328, "Bumblebee Cotton, Peckerwood Corn" (7 texts, 1 tune)
File: RL325
===
NAME: Bumpers, Bumbers, Flowing Bumpers
DESCRIPTION: The watchman calls "4" but we have to finish one more bottle. Anyone who wants to leave: "out of the window at once with him." Our whisky is from a still. Let's toast the sun rising as we did when it set. Then we'll go out and "leather" the watchman.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1821 (_Blackwood's Magazine_, according to Croker-PopularSongs)
KEYWORDS: drink nonballad
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Croker-PopularSongs, pp. 94-95, "Bumpers, Bumbers, Flowing Bumpers" (1 text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Lillibullero" (tune, according to Croker-PopularSongs)
NOTES: Bumper: [noun] "a cup or glass filled to the brim or till the liquor runs over esp. in drinking a toast"; [verb] "to fill to the brim (as a wineglass) and empty by drinking,""to toast with a bumper,""to drink bumpers of wine or other alcoholic beverages" (source: _Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged_, 1976). Croker-PopularSongs: One bottle of whisky is about thirteen tumblers. - BS
File: CrPS094
===
NAME: Bumpers, Squire Jones
DESCRIPTION: If you like claret, or pine for female companionship, "don't pass the good House Moneyglass." Bumpers Squire Jones's claret will make you forget Cupid. Soldiers, clergy, lawyers, and foxhunters should forget their chores and dogs and stop for this claret.
AUTHOR: Arthur Dawson, Baron of the Exchequer (ca.1695-1775), music Turlough O'Carolan (1670-1738) (source: Sparling; see also Andrew Kuntz, Fiddler's Companion site)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1888 (Sparling)
KEYWORDS: drink nonballad
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Hayward-Ulster, pp. 56-57, "Bumpers Squire Jones" (1 text)
ADDITIONAL: H. Halliday Sparling, Irish Minstrelsy (London, 1888), pp. 470-473, 498, "Bumpers, Squire Jones"
Roud #6532
NOTES: The description is from Sparling, a more complete version than Hayward-Ulster.
Sparling: "For the origin of this song see _Dublin University Magazine_, January 1841."
Hayward-Ulster: "Moneyglass House, which still [1925] stands neer Toomebridge in the County Antrim, was the residence of Bumpers Squire Jones, a character famous for his riotous hospitality. He is still talked about throughout the district, and this song is widely popular."
Bumper: [noun] "a cup or glass filled to the brim or till the liquor runs over esp. in drinking a toast"; [verb] "to fill to the brim (as a wineglass) and empty by drinking,""to toast with a bumper,""to drink bumpers of wine or other alcoholic beverages" (source: _Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language Unabridged_, 1976). Croker-PopularSongs: One bottle of whisky is about thirteen tumblers. - BS
The word "bumper" for a full tumbler is reportedly first found c. 1660, making its relation with the subject of this song somewhat interesting. - RBW
File: HayU056
===
NAME: Bunch O' Roses: see Blood Red Roses (File: Doe022)
===
NAME: Bunch of Watercresses: see Watercresses (File: Peac320)
===
NAME: Bundaberg, The: see The Glendy Burk (File: MA109)
===
NAME: Bundle and Go (I)
DESCRIPTION: "Frae Clyde's bonnie hills, whaur the heather is blooming... I'm come, my dear lassie, to mak' the last offer.... " His father (and mother?) are dead, his house eerie; he loves none but her. She decides to leave her parents and "bundle and go" to his home
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1904 (Ford)
KEYWORDS: love courting father abandonment dowry
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Ford-Vagabond, pp. 37-39, "Bundle and Go" (1 text)
Ord, pp. 138-139, "Bundle and Go" (1 text)
Roud #3329
BROADSIDES:
Murray, Mu23-y1:056, "Bundle and Go," James Lindsay (Glasgow), 19C
NLScotland, L.C.Fol.178.A.2(075), "Buudle and Go" (sic. -- the text says "bundle," not "buddle"), unknown, n. d.
SAME_TUNE:
Delays are Dangerous (per broadside Murray, Mu23-y1:056)
NOTES: There are several broadsides in the NLScotland collection entitled "Rise Up Noble Britons, Bundle and Go," apparently written in response to the Indian Mutiny (1857; for which see, e.g., "Erin Far Away (I)" [Laws J6] and "The Dying Soldier (I) (Erin Far Away II)").
It is not evident from the sheets whether it is built around this piece, another "Bundle and Go" song, or is entirely independent. - RBW
File: FVS037
===
NAME: Bundle and Go (II)
DESCRIPTION: "The winter is gane, love; the sweet spring again, love, Bedecks the blue mountain." "For far to the west, to the land of bright freedom... I would conduct you." They will leave home for a better place; "then hey, bonnie lassie, will you bundle and go?"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1904 (Ford)
KEYWORDS: love home emigration travel
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Ford-Vagabond, pp. 35-37, "Bundle and Go" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ord, pp. 139-140, "Bundle and Go" (1 text)
Roud #3330
BROADSIDES:
NLScotland, L.C.Fol.70(38a), "Bundle and Go," unknown, n.d.
NOTES: There are several broadsides in the NLScotland collection entitled "Rise Up Noble Britons, Bundle and Go," apparently written in response to the Indian Mutiny (1857; for which see, e.g., "Erin Far Away (I)" [Laws J6] and "The Dying Soldier (I) (Erin Far Away II)").
It is not evident from the sheets whether it is built around this piece, another "Bundle and Go" song, or is entirely independent. - RBW
File: FVS035
===
NAME: Bundle of Truths, A
DESCRIPTION: "Barney Bodkin broke his nose" is followed by truths, more or less: "without feet we can't have toes," "crazy folks are always mad," "a taylor's goose will never fly, ... And now, good folks, my song is done, Nobody knows what 'twas about"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1811 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 10(11))
KEYWORDS: humorous nonballad nonsense
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Opie-Oxford2 34, "Barney Bodkin broke his nose" (1 fragment)
Baring-Gould-MotherGoose #272, p. 163, "(Barney Bodkin broke his nose)"
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 10(11), "A Bundle of Truths" ("Barney Bodkin broke his nose"), Laurie and Whittle (London), 1811; also Harding B 16(39d), Douce Ballads 4(58), "A Bundle of Truths"; Harding B 25(1879), Harding B 11(3728), "A Tailor's Goose Can Never Fly"; Harding B 25(36), "All Truth and No Lies" or "A Tailor's Goose Will Never Fly"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "When I've Money I am Merry" (tune, per broadside Bodleian Harding B 25(1879))
NOTES: The first verse of the Bodleian broadsides is quoted in Opie-Oxford2 34, "Barney Bodkin broke his nose."
The chorus and two truths of the Bodleian broadsides are quoted in Opie-Oxford2 235, "Hyder iddle diddle dell": "Right fol de riddle del, A yard of pudding's not an ell, Not forgetting didderum hi, A taylor's goose can never fly."
A "tailor's goose" is a flat iron with a twisted wrought iron grip that, I guess, reminds someone of a goose's neck. - BS
File: OO2034
===
NAME: Bung Yer Eye
DESCRIPTION: Singer praises his girlfriend, Kitty, and tells of a rowdy dance he takes her to where (Long Tom/Silver Jack) "bossed the whole shebang", Big Dan plays the fiddle, and Tom (Jack) eventually "cleans out" the joint. Chorus: "Bung yer eye! Bung yer eye!"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1926 (Rickaby)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Singer praises his girlfriend, Kitty, and tells of a rowdy dance he takes her to where (Long Tom/Silver Jack) "bossed the whole shebang," Big Dan plays the fiddle, and Tom (Jack) eventually "cleans out" the joint by kicking out sailors (farmers). Chorus: "Bung yer eye! Bung yer eye!"
KEYWORDS: fight dancing drink lover
FOUND_IN: US(MW) Canada(West)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Rickaby 33, "Bung Yer Eye" (1 text)
Beck 41, "Bung Yer Eye" (2 texts)
Fowke-Lumbering #4, "A-Lumbering We Go" (1 text, 1 tune, a mixed text starting with two stanzas of "Once More A-Lumbering Go" and continuing with a version of "Bung Yer Eye" minus the chorus)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 450-451, "Bung Yer Eye" (1 text)
Roud #6513
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Silver Jack" (character)
cf. Quare Bungo Rye" (chorus lyrics)
NOTES: This should not be confused with the "Bung Your Eye" that is a version of "Quare Bungo Rye." No relation other than the chorus. The "Silver Jack" referred to in one version of this song is the same character that stars in the song of the same name. - PJS
File: Be041
===
NAME: Bung Your Eye (II): see Quare Bungo Rye (File: Log416)
===
NAME: Bunkhouse Ballad
DESCRIPTION: Parody of "Fifteen Men on the Dead Man's Chest": "Sixteen men in a pine-slab bunk/Waken with grunt and growl...Coffee and flapjacks, pork and beans/Are waitin' to fill your snoots". In other words, yet another account of life in a lumber camp.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1941 (Beck)
KEYWORDS: lumbering work logger nonballad parody
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Beck 18, "Bunkhouse Ballad" (1 text)
Roud #8863
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Fifteen Men on the Dead Man's Chest"
cf. "The Lumber Camp Song" (theme) and references there
NOTES: Fifteen Men on the Dead Man's Chest" was included in Robert Louis Stevenson's _Treasure Island_. In 1891 Young E. Allison, of Louisville, KY, published a long and bloody version. Beck speculates that the composer of this parody may have seen Allison's, but without that text, it's impossible to tell. - PJS
File: Be018
===
NAME: Bunkhouse Orchestra
DESCRIPTION: How the cowboys have a dance: "It' the best grand high that there is within the law When seven jolly punchers tackle 'Turkey in the Straw.'" The dance lets the cowboys forget their troubles, their aches, and the women they pretend not to miss
AUTHOR: Words: Charles Badger Clark
EARLIEST_DATE: 1920
KEYWORDS: dancing cowboy party
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Fife-Cowboy/West 103, "Bunkhouse Orchestra" (1 text, 1 tune)
Saffel-CowboyP, pp. 163-164, "The Bunk-House Ochestra" (1 text)
Roud #11093
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Turkey in the Straw" (tune & meter) and references there
File: FCW103
===
NAME: Bunnit of Straw, The
DESCRIPTION: "A buxom young damsel a stage-horse was approaching, Cried 'Help' from afar for her bunnit of straw, For the horse he reached forward, without any addressing, And he seized her straw bunnit in her hungery jaw!" The girl laments the ruined hat.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939 (Linscott)
KEYWORDS: clothes horse humorous
FOUND_IN: US(NE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Linscott, pp. 177-179, "The Bunnit of Straw" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #3728
NOTES: Linscott reports, "The first straw bonnet braided in the United States was made by Miss Betsey Metcalf in Providence, Rhode Island, in 1798. Straw bonnets were worn long before straw hats; and although the art of plaiting straw is very ancient, it was not known in England until introduced there by James I." This information she apparently derives from the _Encyclopedia Americana_. - RBW
File: Lins177
===
NAME: Burd Ellen and Young Tamlane [Child 28]
DESCRIPTION: Burd Ellen is at her knitting, crying over her baby. Young Tamlane, apparently the father, bids her rock the child. Rock the child she will not, and he departs with her curse.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1824 (Maidment)
KEYWORDS: bastard curse children mother abandonment curse
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Child 28, "Burd Ellen and Young Tamlane" (1 text)
Roud #3962
File: C028
===
NAME: Burd Isabel and Earl Patrick [Child 257]
DESCRIPTION: Patrick promises to marry Isabel if the child she bears is a son. He delays until his parents died, then delays further and prepares to noblewoman. (His wife) wishes to see his son; Isabell will not give him up, and curses Patrick. The curse takes effect
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: nobility wedding pregnancy baby lie curse
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Child 257, "Burd Isabel and Earl Patrick" (3 texts)
Bronson 257, "Burd Isabel and Earl Patrick" (1 version)
Leach, pp. 626-629, "Burd Ellen and Earl Patrick" (1 text)
Roud #107
File: C257
===
NAME: Buren's Grove
DESCRIPTION: "The day is hot, we will leave the spot, And together we will roam, We'll find a spot in some cooler cot Within fair Buren's grove. Each morning fair to take the air I walked to Buren's Grove"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (Creighton-SNewBrunswick)
KEYWORDS: courting
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Creighton-SNewBrunswick 10, "Buren's Grove" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
Roud #2787
NOTES: The [above] description is all of the Creighton-SNewBrunswick fragment.
It seems a shame to make a separate entry for so brief a fragment. It is tempting to include it under "Bordon's Grove" (Roud #2322) but there are no common lines. The note in Henry regarding the relationship of Creighton-SNewBrunswick 10 and Henry H529 describes Creighton's entry as "too short to say that it is the same with any certainty." Henry p.324 - BS
File: CrSNB010
===
NAME: Burges
DESCRIPTION: "I'm glad that I am born to die, From grief and woe my soul shall fly, And we'll all shout together in that morning, In that morning, in that morning, And we'll all shout together in that morning."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1933 (Jackson)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Lomax-ABFS, p. 565, "Burges" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST LxA565 (Full)
Roud #15560
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "In That Morning" (lyrics)
File: LxA565
===
NAME: Burglar Man, The: see The Old Maid and the Burglar [Laws H23] (File: LH23)
===
NAME: Burial of Sir John Moore, The
DESCRIPTION: "We buried him darkly at dead of night" without a funeral, in a narrow grave, without a coffin. "The foe was sullenly firing" "We carved not a line, we raised not a stone, But left him alone with his glory!"
AUTHOR: Rev. Charles Wolfe (1791-1823) (source: Moylan)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1817 (_Newry Telegraph_, according to Moylan)
KEYWORDS: war burial death soldier
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Jan 16, 1809 - Moore is killed during the Battle of Corunna and is buried in the ramparts of the town (source: "John Moore (British soldier)" at the Wikipedia site)
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Moylan 183, "The Burial of Sir John Moore" (1 text, 1 tune)
ADDITIONAL: Edward Hayes, The Ballads of Ireland (Boston, 1859), Vol II, p. 288, "The Burial of Sir John Moore"
Donagh MacDonagh and Lennox Robinson, _The Oxford Book of Irish Verse_ (Oxford, 1958, 1979), pp. 37-38, "The Burial of Sir John Moore"  (1 text)
Charles W. Eliot, editor, English Poetry Vol II From Collins to Fitzgerald (New York, 1910), #494, pp. 822-823, "The Burial of Sir John Moore at Corunna" (by Charles Wolfe)
NOTES: Moylan: Sir John Moore re-captured Wexford town from the rebels in June 1798. He was killed as Commander in Chief of the British forces fighting the French in Portugal in 1808. - BS
It is interesting to wonder how Moore's reputation would have stood had he lived. Although much praised, he had little experience as a commander-in-chief. Administratively, he was probably better than Wellington, but he had not the latter's incredible sense for the strengths and weaknesses of a position (few did, to be sure), and his one chance in sole command ended in partial failure and his own death.
Of the senior officers in Ireland in 1798, Moore (1761-1809) was surely the best -- firm (he allowed his men, as they sought to disarm the rebels before the rising, to act harshly and commandeer provisions; see Thomas Pakenham, _The Year of Liberty_, p. 66) but opposed to straight-out looting (Pakenham, p. 258, tells how he personally imposed order on his men when they threatened to devastate the path along which they marched) and generally humane (Pakenham, p. 281); he was the one leading officer who did not hold any courts-martial or military tribunals (Pakenham, p. 284). Many of the very best generals are of this type.
He also had a key role in the British invasion of Egypt.
David Chandler, author of the magisterial (if not particularly readable) _The Campaigns of Napoleon_, writes of him (p. 627), "During the critical days when Britain was awaiting Napoleon's impending invasion, Moore had trained up a division of light infantry on new principles.... instilling a high degree of personal responsibility in officers and men alike, training the rank and file to think and fight as individuals rather than mere members of a military machine. To technical improvements... Sir John added a great gift for administration."
But the Peninsular campaign was his first independent command, and very nearly his first action was the retreat which ended in his death at Corunna; Chandler (p. 627) admits that "it was to be some little time before he found his feet among the familiar and baffling surroundings of Portugal and Spain."
Corunna was essentially a French attempt to cut off the British retreat. The British inflicted about 1500 casualties on the French, in exchange for about 800 losses of their own -- but in the course of the battle he was hit in the shoulder by a cannonball (Chandler, p. 656), dying (like Wolfe or Nelson) in the knowledge that the battle was won. Won, but the position lost; he was burid on January 17, and his men evacuated Corunna on January 17 and 18.
Napoleon said of him, "His talents and firmness alone saved the British army," but of course by so saying, Napoleon covered over his own flawed Spanish strategy.
According to [No author listed], _The Household Treasury of English Song_, T. Nelson and Sons, 1872, p. 198, Moore "was mortally wounded and buried at midnight on the ramparts of Corunna. As no coffin could be procured, the body was simply wrapped in a military cloak and blankets.
The _Household Treasury_ also says that "Rev. Charles Wolfe, born at Dublin 1791, died 1823, owes his fame to this one brief but touchingly-beautiful composition, of which any poet might have been proud. Some of Wolfe's other lyrics, however, are characterized by intense pathos and power of expression. He died of consumption, hastened by incessant clerical labour, in his thirty-third year."
According to _The New Century Handbook of English Literature_ (ed. Clarence L. Barnhart with William D. Haley, revised edition, Meredith Publishing, 1967, he died in Cork in 1823. The _Handbook_ lists this poem as his one noteworty poem. John Russell wrote e memorial in his 1825 posthumous _Poetical Remains_. - RBW
File: Moyl183
===
NAME: Burial of Wild Bill, The
DESCRIPTION: Singer describes how he and his comrades buried their friend Wild Bill, reminiscing about his good character and talents. Characteristic last line of each verse: "As we covered him with the sod"
AUTHOR: Captain Jack Crawford
EARLIEST_DATE: 1929 (recordings, Jenkins' Pilot Mountaineers)
KEYWORDS: burial death cowboy
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Burt, p. 194, "(The Burial of Wild Bill)" (1 excerpt)
ST RcTBoWB (Partial)
Roud #11542
RECORDINGS:
Oscar Jenkins' Pilot Mountaineers [or Frank Jenkins & his Pilot Mountaineers: Oscar Jenkins, Frank Jenkins, Ernest V. Stoneman], "Burial of Wild Bill" (Broadway 8249/Paramount 3240, 1929); Alex Gordon [pseud. for Frank Jenkins & his Pilot Mountaineers], "The Burial of Wild Bill" (Conqueror 7270, 1929) [One of these recordings, probably the Conqueror, is on WhenIWas2.] 
Glenn Ohrlin, "Burial of Wild Bill" (on Ohrlin01)
Ernest V. Stoneman, "The Burial of Wild Bill" (Conqueror 7270, 1929)
NOTES: The uncertainty over the name of the bandleader on the Pilot Mountaineers records stems from its listing as "Frank Jenkins & his Pilot Mountaineers" on the Yazoo reissue and in Gennett logs (the Conqueror issue used a Gennett master), but "Oscar Jenkins' Pilot Mountaineers" on the Paramount/Broadway issues.
On both records, the vocalist (uncredited, as he was under contract to Victor) was Ernest Stoneman. Notice that the succeeding record on Conqueror is the same song, listed as by Ernest Stoneman, while Frank Mares' catalog lists 7269 as a different song by Stoneman, with Jenkins' Mountaineers. Oy.
Oh, and it's quite hard to tell from the text, but it doesn't sound like the subject of this song was Wild Bill Hickok. - PJS
Burt claims it *is* Hickok (1837-1876), but she cites only one stanza -- though she says Crawford dedicated the song to Hickok's friend Charley Utter. - RBW
File: RcTBoWB
===
NAME: Burke's Confession
DESCRIPTION: Irishman Burke comes to Scotland looking for work. He and McDougall join Hare who kills poor lodgers and sells the bodies to doctors; "sixty men and women I willingly did kill" They are taken, Hare turns state's evidence and Burke is hanged.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1906 (GreigDuncan2)
KEYWORDS: execution murder Scotland gallows-confessions
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Jan 28, 1829 - William Burke is hanged for the murder of Mrs Docherty (source: broadside NLScotland Ry.III.a.6(028)).
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Greig #36, p. 2, "Burke's Confession" (1 text) 
GreigDuncan2 192, "Burke's Confession" (5 texts, 3 tunes)
Roud #5640
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Black Cook" (subject: sale of dead bodies for anatomical studies)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Burke and Hare
NOTES: For an account of "Execution, Confession, and a list of all the Horrid Murders committed by Burke, also the decision of Hare's Case" "List of the 16 Murders committed by Burke" see broadside NLScotland, Ry.III.a.6(028), "Broadside regarding the Burke and Hare trials," unknown, 1829. That broadside explains some of the ballad's loose ends. The episode is known as the "West Port Tragedies." When a man died in Hare's house he and Burke sold the body to "anatomists" for 10 GBP. Surprised at the windfall they decided to kill people not likely to be missed and sell those bodies. They killed sixteen, rather than sixty, and one of those was Mrs. Docherty. Helen McDougal was a prostitute who went with Burke; the ballad gives the impression that Burke was turned in by McDougal but the broadside does not mention that. The broadside confirms that Hare turned state's evidence; after that the High Court found that Hare could not be tried for those crimes and he was released. - BS
File: GrD2192
===
NAME: Burke's Dream [Laws J16]
DESCRIPTION: [Thomas] Burke, the singer, dreams he has rejoined his comrades to fight the British. They win a great victory, and he returns home. The scream his mother makes when he returns to her wakens him, and he finds he is still in his cell
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1901 (O'Conor); c.1867 (Zimmermann)
KEYWORDS: rebellion battle dream prison mother
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: May 1, 1867 - "General" Thomas F. Burke is convicted of high treason for his leading part in the Fenian insurrection of 1867. He is condemned to die, but the sentence is commuted
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf) Ireland
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Laws J16, "Burke's Dream"
Greenleaf/Mansfield 71, "Burke's Dream" (1 text, 1 tune)
O'Conor, p. 70, "Burke's Dream" (1 text)
Zimmermann 71, "Burke's Dream" (1 text)
Healy-OISBv2, pp. 46-48, "A Dream of General T. F. Burke" (1 text)
DT 813, BURKDREM
Roud #1893
NOTES: Zimmermann p. 263 makes this song about Richard O'Sullivan Burke who "had become a colonel in the Federal Army during the American Civil War. He was sent back to Ireland by the Fenian Brotherhood, organized the 'Manchester Rescue', was sentenced to fifteen years' penal servitude in 1867, but returned to America in 1874."
See what seems to be a broadside on the same subject, Bodleian, Harding B 26(663), "A New Song Call'd the Vision in Col Burke's Cell" ("Come all you Irish patriot's"), P. Brereton (Dublin), c.1867 - BS
There is definite uncertainty about the person involved here. Robert Kee's history, _The Bold Fenian Men_ (being Volume II of _The Green Flag_) mentions two Burke/Bourkes of significance. Page 41, refers to "an Irish-American 'general' with a shrunken leg, T[homas] F. Bourke." He commanded at the Battle of Ballyhurst (March 7, 1867), in which the Fenian forces fled at the first government volley. Condemned to be hanged, beheaded, and quartered, he managed a fine speech which put him into Irish folklore (Kee, p. 42). The government finally spared him on the grounds that his execution would have no deterrent effect (Kee, p. 49).
Richard O'Sullivan Burke was in 1867 a captain of engineers in the U. S. Army (Kee, p. 32), who travelled Europe to gather arms for the Fenians. Zimmermann is wrong; he was not a colonel (at least not at regular rank; he may have been breveted). According to the _State of New York Adjutant General's Report_, volume 2, p. 236, he was only made captain of the 15th New York Engineers on May 17, 1865, to date from April 29 of that year, and was mustered out as a captain on July 2.
His closest thing to a big moment apparently came when he told the crew of the arms runner _Erin's Hope_ that there was no point in landing weapons in Sligo (Kee, p. 43; see the notes to "The Cork Men and New York Men").
In typical Fenian fashion, an attempt was made to rescue him after the British arrested him; in typical Fenian fashion, it was bungled -- and produced a heavy loss of civilian lives (Kee, pp. 49-50).
Neither B(o)urke seems to have had much real effect on Irish events; Kee's is the only one of six histories I checked to mention either.
I do not think it possible to tell from the song which one is meant. Both of course ended up in prison. The song makes one mention of the singer being in battle leading Irish forces, which sounds like T. F. Burke at Ballyhurst, but it also describes his hard work in prison, which sounds like R. O. Burke. - RBW
File: LJ16
===
NAME: Burly, Burly Banks of Barbry-O: see Babylon, or, The Bonnie Banks o Fordie [Child 14] (File: C014)
===
NAME: Burnfoot Town
DESCRIPTION: "A paradise for racketeers and they call it Burnfoot Town." Shops, stores, petrol pumps, and sign posts "springing up like mushrooms overnight ... one day will all come down, And when Ireland's free prosperity will leave the Burnfoot Town"
AUTHOR: Tom Molloy? (source: McBride)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1988 (McBride)
KEYWORDS: crime commerce nonballad
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
McBride 13, "Burnfoot Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: McBride: "[The song] tells, tongue in cheek, of how the racketeers set about to 'clean up' in the area during and after the second World War. Their shops stand silent and derelict today in Burnfoot Town." - BS
The curiosity in this is that Ireland *was* free during World War II; Neville Chamberlain had given back the Irish naval bases shortly before Munich. And Ireland did not take part in the war; there was a certain amount of blockade-running, of course, but hardly enough to explain this. The one possibility that might explain this link is that the song perhaps comes from a Catholic in Northern Ireland, who would consider Ulster an "unfree" part of Ireland.
The other possibility would be to associate the song with the First World War, which directly involved Ireland and came at a time when Ireland was still under British rule. Of course, there weren't many petrol pumps in Ireland then. - RBW
File: McB1013
===
NAME: Burning of Auchindown, The: see Willie Macintosh [Child 183] (File: C183)
===
NAME: Burning of Rosslea, The
DESCRIPTION: The rebels march to Rosslea and start burning houses of RIC B's in the center of town. In return B's "pillaged and looted and carried away, The stuff of poor Catholics" A month later the B's "three houses they burned for each one in Rosslea."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973 (Morton-Maguire)
KEYWORDS: battle rebellion fire IRA police
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1920-1921 - The Black and Tan War
March 21, 1921 - The Monaghan Brigade of the IRA attacks Rosslea (source: Morton-Maguire).
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Morton-Maguire 55, pp. 152-153,176-177, "The Burning of Rosslea" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2937
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Quilty Burning" (subject) and references there
NOTES: RIC: Sir Robert Peel established the Royal Irish Constabulary in 1812. (source: _Sir Robert "Bobby" Peel (1788-1850)_ at Historic UK site.) For more information on the Black and Tan War see RBW note for "The Bold Black and Tan."- BS 
Morton-Maguire: "During the 'troubles' of 1921 the R.I.C. barracks in Rosslea was one of the many in 'risky' area, evacuated at an early stage. When the A-Specials (Mobilized B-Specials) were formed, they took it on themselves to police the area." Morton goes on to discuss the history behind the burning, including an earlier burning of Catholic homes by Specials. In the burning described by the song "fourteen houses were burned, and ... four officers were shot, two fatally." The plan had been to burn sixteen houses and shoot four Specials. - BS
A little internet searching shows that there were killings in Rosslea in 1972 as part of the Troubles. I can't help but wonder if that didn't encourage someone to dust off this song as Morton prepared his book. - RBW
File: MoMa055
===
NAME: Burning of the Bayou Sara, The: see The Bayou Sara (File: DTBayous)
===
NAME: Burning of the Granite Mill, The [Laws G13]
DESCRIPTION: Workers in a Fall River factory are routinely locked into their workplace. The mill catches fire and the workers -- who could have been saved if conditions had been better -- die in agony
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (Creighton-NovaScotia)
KEYWORDS: fire death disaster
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Sept 19, 1874 - Burning of the Granite Mill in Fall River, Massachusetts. The tragedy, in which 20 died, three disappeared, and 36 were injured, was aggravated by the failure to sound a fire alarm for twenty minutes
FOUND_IN: US(NE) Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Laws G13, "The Burning of the Granite Mill"
Creighton-NovaScotia 118, "Granite Mill" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 675, GRANITML
Roud #1823
File: LG13
===
NAME: Burns and His Highland Mary [Laws O34]
DESCRIPTION: (Robert) Burns meets Mary on the banks of the Ayr. Mary is returning to the Highlands to visit friends, but promises to return quickly. Both promise to be true. Mary departs, but soon falls sick and dies. Burns "ne'er did... love so fondly again."
AUTHOR: Ord lists a "police constable named Thomson," c. 1865
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1835 (broadside, Bodleian Firth b.26(512))
KEYWORDS: courting love death separation
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1759-1796 - Life of Robert Burns
1786 - Death of Mary Campbell while on a visit to the Highlands
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar,Newf) US(NE) Ireland
REFERENCES: (10 citations)
Laws O34, "Burns and His Highland Mary"
Ford-Vagabond, pp. 112-114, "Burns and His Highland Mary" (1 text, 1 tune)
Doerflinger, pp. 312-313, "Burns and His Highland Mary" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ord, pp. 354-355, "The Parting of Burns and Highland Mary" (1 text, 1 tune)
Tunney-SongsThunder, pp. 108-111, "The Clear, Winding Ayr" (1 text)
Creighton/Senior, p. 159-161, "Burns and His Highland Mary" (1 text)
Creighton-Maritime, pp. 88-89, "Burns and His Highland Mary" (1 text, 2 tunes)
Creighton-SNewBrunswick 56, "Burns and His Highland" (1 text, 1 tune)
Peacock, pp. 427-429, "The Banks of the Ayr" (1 text, 2 tunes)
DT 488, BURNMARY
Roud #820
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Firth b.26(512), "Burns and Highland Mary," G. Walker (Durham), 1797-1834; also Harding B 15(37a), Harding B 11(3216), Harding B 11(496), Harding B 26(84)[some words illegible], Harding B 26(85), "Burns and Highland Mary"; 2806 c.14(5), 2806 c.14(4)[some words illegible], Johnson Ballads 3180[some words illegible], 2806 c.14(3)[some lines illegible], "Burns and His Highland Mary"
Murray, Mu23-y1:009, "Burns and Highland Mary," J. Bristow (Glasgow), 19C; also Mu23-y1:026, Mu23-y4:024, "Burns and Highland Mary"
NLScotland, RB.m.168(082), "Burns and His Highland Mary," unknown, c.1840; also APS.3.80.4, RB.m.143(030), L.C.Fol.70(10a), "Burns and His Highland Mary"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Laurel Hill" (tune)
cf. "Highland Mary" (subject)
File: LO34
===
NAME: Burns's Farewell
DESCRIPTION: Robert Burns, dying, asks Jean to pray with him "that the widow's God may saften the road For my helpless bairns and thee." He dies. She wears a lock of his hair and will work for the family until she joins him. He is buried in St Michael's churchyard.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1914 (GreigDuncan3)
KEYWORDS: burial death mourning religious children wife
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: July 21, 1796 - death of Robert Burns
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
GreigDuncan3 701, "Burns's Farewell" (1 text)
Roud #6117
NOTES: The title of the GreigDuncan3 entry may be confused with the entirely different poem about freemasonry, "The Farewell to the Brethren" by Robert Burns (Robert Burns, _The Complete Poems and Songs of Robert Burns_ (New Lanark,2005), pp. 164-165); the broadsides of Burns's poem frequently were entitled, simply, "Burns Farewell": see Bodleian, Harding B 25(316), "Burns's Farewell" ("Adieu, a heart-felt warm adieu"), W. Armstrong (Liverpool), 1820-1824; also Harding B 28(225), Harding B 17(43a), Harding B 11(312), "Burns's Farewell"; Harding B 11(1934), Firth b.25(90), Firth c.21(43), Firth c.21(42), "Burn's Farewell"
Another similarly named broadside is for an entirely different poem, "Ae Fond Kiss" by Robert Burns (Robert Burns, _The Complete Poems and Songs of Robert Burns_ (New Lanark,2005), pp. 320-321): Bodleian, 2806 c.16(311), "Burns's Fareweel" ("Ae fond kiss and then we sever"), G. Walker , jun. (Durham), 1834-1886 - BS
File: GrD3701
===
NAME: Burns's Log Camp
DESCRIPTION: The singer arrives in the logging camp to find horrible conditions: "The floors were all dirty, all covered with mud; The bed quilts were lousy, and so was the grub." The very first night, a fight erupted, "And thus I was greeted at Burns's log camp."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1951
KEYWORDS: logger hardtimes fight
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Doerflinger, p. 217, "Burns's Log Camp" (1 text, 1 tune)
Manny/Wilson 7, "Bruce's Log Camp (Hunter's Log Camp)" (3 fragments, 1 tune)
ST Doe217 (Partial)
Roud #9203
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Lumber Camp Song" (theme) and references there
NOTES: Manny/Wilson: "Mr Doerflinger tactfully changed the name of the camp from Bruce's to Burns's, to avoid giving offense." - BS
File: Doe217
===
NAME: Burnt-Out Old Fellow, The [An Seanduine Doighte]
DESCRIPTION: Irish Gaelic: Younger woman complains about her old husband; he sleeps too much, and sports with too many ladies. She sends him to town, then spots him with various women. If she could, she'd lock her old man up and keep company with young men.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1953 (collected by Peter Kennedy)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Irish Gaelic: Younger woman complains about her old husband; he sleeps too much, and sports with too many ladies. She sends him to town, then spots him with three women enticing him and four kissing him. She sends him to the west country, a place known for whores; "his genitals lessened and his jaws became bony/And he came back to me like a newly-born pony." She says that, if she had the chance, she'd lock her old man up and keep company with young men. Chorus: "O my old man O pity I fed you/O my old man O pity I wed you/O my old man O pity I bed you/Sleepin' your sleep for ever and ever"
KEYWORDS: age infidelity jealousy marriage sex bawdy foreignlanguage humorous husband whore wife
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Kennedy 45, "An Seanduine Doighte [The Burnt-Out Old Fellow]" (1 text in Irish Gaelic + translation, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Maids When You're Young Never Wed an Old Man" (theme) and references there
NOTES: The parallel with "Maids When You're Young..." is obvious, although it should be noted that the wife in that song seems to have the opposite problem from the wife in this one. - PJS
Kennedy claims there are "probably more versions of this song than any other in the Irish language," and it's certainly true that his reference list is longer than usual. The problem, as always with Kennedy, is determining if his references are actually to the same song. - RBW
File: K045
===
NAME: Bury Me Beneath the Willow
DESCRIPTION: The singer has been abandoned by (her) lover. Tomorrow was to be their wedding day, but now he is off with another girl. The singer asks her friends to "bury me beneath the willow... And when he knows that I am sleeping, maybe then he'll think of me."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1909 (Belden)
KEYWORDS: separation infidelity love death
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MW,SE,So)
REFERENCES: (10 citations)
Belden, pp. 482-483, "Under the Willow Tree" (2 texts)
Randolph 747, "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (3 short texts, 3 tunes)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 505-506, "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 747B)
BrownIII 267, "The Weeping Willow" (3 texts plus 4 excerpts and mention of 4 more)
Fuson, p. 126, "The Weeping Willow" (1 text)
Cambiaire, p. 85, "O Bury Me Beneath the Weeping Willow" (1 text)
Sandburg, pp. 314-315, "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (1 text, 1 tune)
Abrahams/Foss, p. 58, "(Bury Me Beneath the Willow)" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 178, "Bury Me Beneath The Willow" (1 text)
DT, BURYWLLW*
Roud #410
RECORDINGS:
Burnett & Rutherford, "Weeping Willow Tree" (Columbia 15113-D, 1927; rec. 1926; on BurnRuth01)
Carter Family, "Bury Me Under the Weeping Willow" (Victor 21074, 1927; Bluebird B-6053, 1935)
Jim Cole & his Tennessee Mountaineers, "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (Crown 3122, 1931)
Delmore Brothers, "Bury Me Under the Weeping Willow" (Bluebird B-7741, 1938)
Red Foley & the Andrews Sisters (!), "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (Decca 29222, 1947)
Kelly Harrell, "Beneath the Weeping Willow Tree" (Victor 20535, 1925; on KHarrell01)
Asa Martin, "Bury Me 'neath the Weeping Willow"  (Banner 32426/Melotone M-12497 [both as Martin & Roberts]/Royal [Canada] 91402, 1932)
Lester McFarland & Robert Gardner, "Weeping Willow Tree" (Brunswick 199, 1928; rec. 1927)
Monroe Brothers, "Weeping Willow Tree" (Bluebird B-7093, 1937)
Holland Puckett, "Weeping Willow Tree" (Champion 15334/Supertone 9243, 1928)
Riley Puckett, "Bury Me 'Neath the Willow Tree" (Bluebird B-6348, 1936)
Red Fox Chasers, "Weeping Willow Tree" (Supertone 9322, 1929)
Lookout Mountain Revelers, "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (Paramount 3143, 1928)
Almeda Riddle, "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (on LomaxCD1707)
Shelton & Fox, "Bury Me Beneath the Willow" (Decca 5184, 1936)
Ernest V. Stoneman, "Bury Me Beneath the Weeping Willow" (CYL: Edison [BA] 5187, 1927) (Edison 51909, 1927)
Ernest Thompson, "Weeping Willow Tree" (Columbia 15001-D, 1924)
Henry Whitter, "The Weeping Willow Tree" (OKeh 40187, 1924; rec. 1923); "Go Bury Me beneath the Willow" (OKeh 45046, 1926)
SAME_TUNE:
Carter Family, "Answer to Weeping Willow" (Decca 5234, 1936)
Karl & Harty, "We Buried Her Beneath the Willow" (Melotone 6-04-61, 1936) [I am guessing here, not having heard the record - but I'll betcha - PJS]
File: R747
===
NAME: Bury Me in the Cornfield, Nigger: see Bury Me in the Garden (File: Br3266)
===
NAME: Bury Me in the Garden
DESCRIPTION: "Bury me in the garden, mother, mother, Bury me in the garden, mother, mother, mother dear, Bury me in the garden." "O, the moonlight... shines so bright... way down in the garden 'neath the sycamore tree."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: death burial mother
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 266, "Bury Me in the Garden" (1 text)
Roud #15743
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Bury Me in the Cornfield, Nigger
File: Br3266
===
NAME: Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie [Laws B2]
DESCRIPTION: A cowboy is dying. He asks to be taken home and buried in his family home. His request is ignored; he is buried in a small and isolated prairie grave
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: +1901 (JAFL14)
KEYWORDS: cowboy death burial
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,NW,Ro,So,SE) Canada(Newf,West)
REFERENCES: (21 citations)
Laws B2, "The Dying Cowboy (Oh Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie)" (sample text in NAB, pp. 81-82)
Larkin, pp. 37-39, "The Lone Prairie" (1 text, 1 tune)
Belden, pp. 387-392, "The Lone Prairie" (5 texts)
Randolph 184, "Oh Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
BrownII 262, "The Lone Prairie" (2 texts)
Hudson 93, pp. 222-223, "O Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 436, "The Lone Prairie" (1 text)
Fowke/Johnston, pp. 92-93, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (1 text, 1 tune)
Peacock, pp. 153-154, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (1 text, 1 tune)
Sandburg, p. 20, "Oh, Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (1 short text, 1 tune)
Fife-Cowboy/West 117, "The Dying Cowboy" (3 texts, 1 tune)
SharpAp 169, "The Lonesome Prairie" (3 texts, 3 tunes)
Lomax-FSUSA 60, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (1 text, 1 tune)
LPound-ABS, 78, pp. 171-173, "O Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (1 text)
JHCox 54, "The Lone Prairie" (2 texts)
JHCoxIIB, #9, p. 143, "The Lone Prairie" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
Darling-NAS, pp. 164-165, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 110, "Bury Me Not On The Lone Prairie" (1 text)
Saffel-CowboyP, pp. 201-203, "The Dying Cowboy" (1 text)
Fuld-WFM, pp. 396-398, "Oh, Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie"
DT 370, LONEPRAR*
Roud #631
RECORDINGS:
Arkansas Woodchopper [pseud. for Luther Ossenbrink], "The Dying Cowboy" (Columbia 15463-D, 1929; rec. 1928)
Jules [Verne] Allen, "The Dying Cowboy" (Victor 23834, 1933; on BackSaddle)
Bentley Ball, "The Dying Cowboy" (Columbia A3085, 1920)
Bill Childers, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (OKeh 45203, 1928)
Vernon Dalhart, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (Columbia 969-D, 1927) (Romeo 431/Perfect 12361, 1927) (CYL: Edison [BA] 5315, n.d. but prob. 1927)
Phil & Frank Luther, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (Melotone M-12143, 1931)
Asa Martin, "The Dying Cowboy" (Banner 32426/Melotone M12497 [both as Martin & Roberts]/Royal [Canada] 91402, 1932)
Sloan Matthews, "The Dying Cowboy" (AFS, 1940s; on LC28)
Pickard Family, "Bury Me Not On The Lone Prairie" (Columbia 15141-D, 1927)
Holland Puckett, "The Dying Cowboy" (Silvertone 25065, 1927; Supertone 9253, 1929)
Herbert Sills, "O Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (on Saskatch01)
Carl T. Sprague, "Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (Victor 20122, 1926; Montgomery Ward M-4099, 1933; on MakeMe)
Vel Veteran [pseud. for either Arthur Fields, Vernon Dalhart, or Irving Kaufman] "O Bury Me Not on the Lone Prairie" (Grey Gull 4239, 1928)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Ocean Burial"
cf. "Going to Leave Old Texas (Old Texas, Texas Song, The Cowman's Lament)" (tune)
cf. "I've Got No Use for the Women" (lyrics)
NOTES: Probably adapted from "The Ocean Burial," attributed to Rev. Edwin H. Chapin (1839). For the complex question of the tune, see the notes on that piece.
The 1922 edition of Thorp (quoted also by Belden) claims that the adaption to "The Lone Prairie" is by H. Clemons and written in 1872. I know of no supporting data.  - RBW
File: LB02
===
NAME: Bush Christening, The
DESCRIPTION: A man offers a doctor extra payment for services. He explains that it is on behalf of his baby who nearly died unbaptized. His wife had tried to take the child to a church, but no water was available. Had not a doctor chanced by, the baby would have died
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1987
LONG_DESCRIPTION: A man offers a doctor extra payment for services. He explains that it is on behalf of his baby who nearly died unbaptized, and his wife who nearly went mad as a result. The nearest church had only occasional services, as the preacher travelled widely in the bush. When the child took ill, they hoped to get the child baptized before death, but no water was to be had at the church, and a drunkard drank the water they had brought in a gin bottle. Had not a doctor happened by their hut, the baby would have died unchristened -- but the doctor saved the baby
KEYWORDS: children clergy disease recitation
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Meredith/Covell/Brown, pp. 171-173, "The Bush Christening" (1 text)
NOTES: Banjo Paterson published a poem, "A Bush Christening" ("On the outer Barcoo where the churches are few And men of religion are scanty") which shares many plot elements with this piece. The details are distinctly different, however (in the Paterson piece, the child is ten years old, and deliberately flees christening until whiskey is thrown over his head). Meredith's source claims to have learned this around the beginning of the twentieth century. One suspect this is another case where Paterson found a traditional piece and put his own stamp on it. - RBW
File: MCB171
===
NAME: Bushes and Briars
DESCRIPTION: "Through bushes and through briars I lately took my way." "Long time have I been waiting for the coming of my dear." "Sometimes I am uneasy... Sometimes I think I'll go... And tell to him my mind." But she fears being too bold
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1908 (Vaughn Williams, _Folk Ongs from the Eastern Counties_)
KEYWORDS: love separation animal
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(Lond))
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
DT, BUSHBRIR*
ADDITIONAL: Maud Karpeles, _Folk Songs of Europe_, Oak, 1956, 1964, p. 42, "Bushes and Briars" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #1027
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Through Bushes and Briars
File: FSOE026
===
NAME: Bushman's Song, A: see The Castlereagh River (File: MA045)
===
NAME: Bushwhacker's Song
DESCRIPTION: "I am a bushwhacker, The thicket's my home (x3)... And them that don't like me can leave me alone." "I'll tune up my fiddle And rosin my bow (x3)... And I shall find welcome Wherever I go." "My kinfolks don't like me, And that I well know."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1922 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: home music floatingverses Civilwar
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 383, "Bushwhacker's Song" (1 text)
Roud #11751
NOTES: Evidently a parody of something like "The Wagoner's Lad." Brown's informant gave detailed references connecting it do a gang of Civil War deserters, but there is no actual evidence for this in the text. - RBW
File: Br3382
===
NAME: Business of Makin' the Paper, The
DESCRIPTION: Making paper is begun by cutting pine and spruce and sending it by truck, train, or river to the mill. There it is barked, chipped, digested, and cooked. It is ground to pulp, treated with sulphite and finally rolled into paper and shipped by A.N.D.
AUTHOR: Omar Blondahl
EARLIEST_DATE: 1964 (Blondahl)
KEYWORDS: commerce technology nonballad work
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Blondahl, pp. 37-38, "The Business of Makin' the Paper" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: Blondahl: "The song was used in a Christmas greeting -- to all, from the Anglo-Newfoundland Development Company Limited. The A.N.D., as it is better known, is one of Newfoundland's great pulp and paper mills. This little song is not included as a ... folk song. It does, however, give us a small idea of the mechanics of paper-making and, as this is one of Newfoundland's prime industries, perhaps we do no harm, after all." - BS
File: Blon037
===
NAME: Busk, Busk, Bonnie Lassie
DESCRIPTION: Singer asks girl to go with him. He points to shepherds and soldiers marching, and the snowy hills, which parted many lovers and will part them. Refrain: "Busk, busk, bonnie lassie, and come alang wi me/I will tak' ye tae Glenisla near bonnie Glenshee"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1963 (collected from Charlotte Higgins)
KEYWORDS: courting love travel parting
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
MacSeegTrav 33, "Busk, Busk, Bonnie Lassie" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #832
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Oh! No, No" (lyrics)
NOTES: No relation to "Lass of Glenshee." - PJS
To busk, in this context, is to prepare to travel. - PJS, RBW
File: McCST033
===
NAME: But I Forgot to Cry
DESCRIPTION: "Johnie cam to our toun, to our toon, to our toun... The body wi' thet ye. And O as he kittled me... But I forgot to cry." "He gaed thro' the fields wi' me... And doun amang the rye. Then O as he kittled me... But I forgot to cry."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1827 (Kinloch)
KEYWORDS: courting seduction
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Kinloch-BBook XXV, p. 79, (no title) (1 text)
ST KinBB25 (Full)
Roud #8155
File: KinBB25
===
NAME: Butcher and Chamber Maid, The: see The Brisk Young Butcher (File: DTxmasgo)
===
NAME: Butcher Boy (II), The: see The Wexford (Oxford, Knoxville, Noel) Girl [Laws P35] (File: LP35)
===
NAME: Butcher Boy, The [Laws P24]
DESCRIPTION: The butcher boy has "courted [the girl's] life away," but now has left her (for a richer girl?). She writes a letter expressing her grief, then hangs herself. Her father finds her body and the note asking that her grave show that she died for love
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1865 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 18(72))
KEYWORDS: seduction suicide pregnancy betrayal abandonment
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(South)) US(Ap,MA,MW,NE,Ro,SE,So) Canada(Mar,Newf) Australia
REFERENCES: (36 citations)
Laws P24, "The Butcher Boy"
Belden, pp. 201-207, "The Butcher Boy" (3 texts plus excerpts from 2 more and references to 3 more, 3 tunes); see also pp. 478-480, "The Blue-Eyed Boy" (4 texts, though "D" is a fragment, probably of "Tavern in the Town" or "The Butcher Boy" or some such)
Randolph 45, "The Butcher Boy" (4 texts plus 4 excerpts, 2 tunes)
Eddy 41, "The Butcher Boy" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Gardner/Chickering 37, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text plus 2 excerpts and mention of 4 more, 2 tunes); also 25, "The Sailor Boy" (1 short text; the first 6 lines are "The Sailor Boy" [Laws K12]; the last twelve are perhaps "The Butcher Boy")
Flanders/Brown, pp. 115-116, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Linscott, pp. 179-181, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Leach, pp. 737-738, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text)
BrownII 81, "The Butcher Boy" (6 texts plus 5 excerpts and mention of 3 others)
BrownIII 254, "Little Sparrow" (4 texts plus 1 excerpt and 1 fragment; the "F" text, however, is primarily "The Butcher Boy" or an "I Wish I Wish" piece of some sort)
Scarborough-SongCatcher, pp. 282-288, "The Butcher Boy" (8 texts, with local titles "The Butcher Boy" (a single stanza), "Butcher Boy," "The Butcher Boy," "Jersey City," (E has no title and is a single-sentence fragment about Polly Perkins), "In Johnson City" (this short might be "Tavern in the Town" or similar), "Butcher's Boy," "The Girl Who Died For Love" (this version too might be a simple "Died for Love" piece); 3 tunes on pp. 431-433)
MHenry-Appalachians, pp. 173-174, "I Am A Rambling Rowdy Boy" (1 text, which opens with a stanza from some sort of rambling man song but then becomes a standard, if short, "Butcher Boy" version)
Brewster 34, "The Butcher's Boy" (3 texts plus mention of 6 more)
SharpAp 101, "The Brisk Young Lover" (4 texts, 4 tunes)
Friedman, p. 110, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text)
Hudson 45, pp. 160-161, "The Butcher's Boy" (1 text plus mention of 11 more)
Warner 86, "A Rude and Rambling Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Shellans, p. 28, "The Farmer's Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Meredith/Anderson, pp. 267-268, "The Maiden's Prayer" (1 text, 1 tune, with an unusual introduction in which the false lover is a soldier)
Sandburg, p. 324, "Go Bring Me Back My Blue-Eyed Boy" and "London City" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Copper-SoBreeze, pp. 230-231, "In Sheffield Park" (1 text, 1 tune)
Asch/Dunson/Raim, p. 28 "The Butcher's Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Kennedy 160, "In Sheffield Park" (1 text plus a second in the notes, 1 tune)
Cohen/Seeger/Wood, pp. 60-62, "Snow Dove" (1 text, 1 tune)
Spaeth-WeepMore, pp. 128-129, "In Jersey City" (1 text, 1 tune)
JHJohnson, p. 77, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text)
LPound-ABS, 24, pp.60-62, "The Butcher's Boy" (1 text; the "B" text is "Tavern in the Town")
JHCox 145, "The Butcher Boy" (2 texts plus mention of 1 more, 1 tune)
MacSeegTrav 73, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Peacock, pp. 707-708, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-NovaScotia 16, "Butcher Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 59, "The Butcher Boy" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Darling-NAS, pp. 139-140, "The Butcher Boy" (1 text); also pp. 141-142, "Morning Fair" (a complex text, with all sorts of floating elements, but with the final stanzas of this song)
Silber-FSWB, p. 178, "The Butcher's Boy" (1 text)
DT 320, BUTCHBOY*
ADDITIONAL: Fred W. Allsopp, Folklore of Romantic Arkansas, Volume II (1931), p. 207, "(The Butcher's Boy)" (1 fragment)
Roud #409
RECORDINGS:
Blue Sky Boys, "The Butcher's Boy" (Montgomery Ward 8668, c. 1937)
Vernon Dalhart, "The Butcher's Boy" (Perfect 12330, 1927)
Kelly Harrell, "Butcher's Boy" (Victor 19563, 1925; on KHarrell01) (Victor 20242, 1926; on KHarrell01)
Buell Kazee, "The Butcher's Boy" (Brunswick 213A, 1928; Brunswick 437, 1930; on AAFM1, KMM); "Butcher Boy" (on Kazee01)
Jean Ritchie & Doc Watson, "Go Dig My Grave (Railroad Boy)" (on RitchieWatson1, RitchieWatsonCD1)
Henry Whitter, "The Butcher Boy" (OKeh 40375, 1925)
Ephraim Woodie & the Henpecked Husbands, "The Fatal Courtship" [uses tune of "Banks of the Ohio"]  (Columbia 15564-D, 1930; rec. 1929; on LostProv1)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 18(72), "The Butcher Boy" ("In Jersey city where I did dwell"), H. De Marsan (New York), 1861-1864; also Harding B 18(71), "The Butcher Boy"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "My Blue-Eyed Boy" (lyrics, theme)
cf. "Must I Go Bound" (lyrics, theme)
cf. "The Sailor Boy (I)" [Laws K12] (lyrics)
cf. "Died for Love (I)"
cf. "Tavern in the Town"
cf. "Love Has Brought Me to Despair" [Laws P25] (lyrics)
cf. "Waly Waly (The Water is Wide)"
cf. "Careless Love" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Ye Mariners All" (tune)
cf. "Dink's Song" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Every Night When the Sun Goes In" (lyrics, plot)
cf. "Farewell, Sweetheart (The Parting Lovers, The Slighted Sweetheart)" (lyrics)
cf. "Beam of Oak" (theme)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Jersey City
The Wild Goose Grasses
NOTES: Most scholars hold that this song is a combination of two others (Randolph follows Cox in claiming *four*). The primary evidence is the shift in narrative style: The first part of the ballad is in first person, the rest (affiliated with "There is an Alehouse in Yonder Town/Tavern in the Town") is in the third person. Leach, on the other hand, considers it to be a single song of American origin. Given the extreme variations in the form of this ballad (e.g. a significant number of versions omit the fact that the butcher boy left to marry a richer girl; some of the most poignant imply that the butcher boy rather than the father found her body) and the amount of floating material it contains, any theories of dependence must be examined carefully.
The two songs, "My Blue-Eyed Boy" and "Must I Go Bound," are clearly related (probably decayed offshoots of this song), now so damaged as to force separate listing. But there are, as so often, intermediate versions; one should check the references for those songs.
"Died for Love (I)" is perhaps a worn-down fragment of this piece, consisting of the lament without the suicide. Similarly the Brown collection's piece "My Little Dear, So Fare You Well."
MacColl and Seeger have classified related texts under fully seven heads:
* "Deep in Love," corresponding roughly to "Must I Go Bound" in the Ballad Index. Generally lyric.
* The Butcher Boy. Characterized by the story of betrayal and eventual suicide (informal translation: If the girl kills herself, file the song here no matter *what* the rest of it looks like. If she dies but doesn't kill herself, it's something else, perhaps "Died for Love (I)"). If there is a core to this family, this is it.
* Love Has Brought Me To Despair. (Laws P25). This shares lyrics with this family, notably those concerning the girl's burial, but has a slighly distinct plot.
* Waly Waly/The Water Is Wide. Related primarily by theme, it seems to me.
* The Tavern in the Town. Shares lyrics, but a distinct song (or at least recension) by our standards.
* Careless Love. Clearly distinct.
* Died for Love (I). This shares the stanzas of lamentation with "The Butcher Boy," but is distinct in that the girl is certainly pregnant (the girl in "The Butcher Boy" may be, but not all versions show this), she laments her folly, but she does *not* kill herself. It's much more lyric than "The Butcher Boy." - RBW
Broadside Bodleian Harding B 18(72): H. De Marsan dating per _Studying Nineteenth-Century Popular Song_ by Paul Charosh in American Music, Winter 1997, Vol 15.4, Table 1, available at FindArticles site. - BS
File: LP24
===
NAME: Butcher's Daughter, The
DESCRIPTION: A squire gives the butcher's daughter gifts to sleep with him; he says falsely he will marry her. She says it must be dark to save her reputation. She hires a black woman to replace her in bed. In the morning he admitts he was outwitted. They marry.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1812 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 3(2)); 18C? (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 39(162))
KEYWORDS: marriage seduction sex disguise humorous Black Devil trick
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
GreigDuncan2 312, "The Butcher's Daughter" (1 text)
Roud #5831
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 39(162), "The Butcher's Daughter's Policy" or "Lustful Lord Well Fitted" ("I pray now draw near, all you that love fun"), Bow Church Yard (London), 1736-1799?; also Harding B 3(2), "The Butcher's Daughter's Policy" or "Lustful Lord Well Fitted"; Firth c.26(14), "The Butcher's Daughter"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Glasgerion" [Child 67] (theme)
cf. "Jack the Jolly Tar (I) (Tarry Sailor)" [Laws K40] (theme: sex and disguise by darkness)
NOTES: As a side theme: when he wakes the squire "ran down the stair in a terrible fright, Said I've been kissing the Devil all night." The answer is "Ye noble young squire, be not affright, I'm not the Devil, althou' I'm not white." - BS
The trick of the wrong woman being in a man's bed goes back at least to the Biblical tale of Jacob, Leah, and Rachel in the Bible (Genesis 29): Jacob wants to marry Rachel, but her father instead slips in Rachel's older sister Leah.
The reverse idea -- of a man slipping into a girl's bedroom at dark -- occurs in such songs as "Jack the Jolly Tar (I) (Tarry Sailor)" [Laws K40] (with a happy ending) and "Glasgerion" [Child 67] (with a tragic ending). - RBW
File: GrD2312
===
NAME: Butt-Cut Ruler
DESCRIPTION: "Don't you walk on down, I'll drive you in the timber If you dare to walk in the timber, I'm a butt-cut ruler." A very free form, probably allowing improvisation, about life for a prisoner cutting timber
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1964 (recorded from C. B. Kimble by Jackson)
KEYWORDS: work prison hardtimes
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Jackson-DeadMan, pp. 72-73, "Butt-Cut Ruler" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: Jackson describes this as just barely qualifying as a song, and also sees it as satiric -- a "butt-cut ruler" was a man strong enough to do the hard task of cutting the thickest part of a felled tree. Yet the format is halting, as if the song is a false brag. - RBW
File: JDM072
===
NAME: Butter and Cheese and All: see The Greasy Cook (Butter and Cheese and All, The Cook's Choice) (File: CoSB236)
===
NAME: Buttercup Joe
DESCRIPTION: Singer prides himself on his plain tastes. In summer the girls like to romp and roll with rustic lads in the hay. His ladyfriend, Mary, a dairymaid, makes fine dumplings; he plans to "ask her if she won't supply/A rustic chap like I am."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1957 (recording, Tony Wales)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Singer prides himself on being rustic with plain tastes; the gentry laugh at him, but he laughs at them in turn. In summer the girls like to romp and roll with rustic lads in the hay. His young woman, Mary, a dairymaid, makes fine dumplings; he plans to "ask her if she won't supply/A rustic chap like I am." Cho: "Now I can guide a plow, milk a cow, and I can reap and sow/Fresh as the daisies in the fields/and they calls I Buttercup Joe"
KEYWORDS: courting love sex food
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(South))
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #1635
RECORDINGS:
Tony Wales, "Buttercup Joe" (on TWales1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Husbandman and the Servingman" (subject, a few phrases)
cf. "Harmless Young Jim" (innuendoes)
cf. "Blackberry Grove" (innuendoes)
NOTES: Wales's informant told him the words were being sung in Sussex in 1889, but offered no evidence, so I remain conservative in assigning an earliest date. I strongly suspect a music-hall origin. - PJS
Nonetheless, the song is fairly well established in English tradition, though it hasn't been printed much. I suspect there may have been one or two rewrites along the way; some of the versions vary a great deal. - RBW
File: RcButJoe
===
NAME: Buttermilk Boy, The
DESCRIPTION: A poor boy tells his mother of his plan to get buttermilk, sell it to buy eggs, raise chickens, sell chickens, etc., and so get rich. Very early on, he spills the goods and his schemes come to naught. Listeners are warned against counting their chickens
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1924 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: money commerce poverty
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H57a, pp. 57-58, "The Buttermilk Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #1227
File: HHH057a
===
NAME: Buttermilk Hill: see Shule Agra (Shool Aroo[n], Buttermilk Hill, Johnny's Gone for a Soldier) (File: R107)
===
NAME: Button Willow Tree: see Rosemary Lane [Laws K43] (File: LK43)
===
NAME: Buxter's Bold Crew: see The Bold Princess Royal [Laws K29] (File: LK29)
===
NAME: Buy a Charter Oak
DESCRIPTION: "I'm going to tell my mother, I'm going to tell my pa, I'm going to tell my brother and all my brothers-in-law, I'm going to tell my uncle and all my cousins' folk To buy, to buy, to buy a Charter Oak."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1942 (Randolph)
KEYWORDS: technology commerce
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph 487, "Buy a Charter Oak" (1 short text, 1 tune)
Roud #7588
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Wilson Patent Stove" (theme)
NOTES: For all that this sounds like a (Nineteen-)Sixties TV commercial, Charter Oak stoves were advertised in the Ozark region in the Eighteen-Sixties.
Spaeth mentions a "sacred song" called "The Charter Oak" (by Henry Russell) of around 1837. I don't know if the jingle is to the tune of Russell's song. - RBW
File: R487
===
NAME: Buy Broom Besoms (I Maun Hae a Wife)
DESCRIPTION: The besom-seller calls his wares, then confesses, "I maun hae a wife, whaso'er she be." He will take anything, e.g., "If that she be bonnie, I shall think it right; If she should be ugly, what's the odds at night?"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1900 (Stokoe/Reay)
KEYWORDS: husband wife marriage oldmaid humorous
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(North),Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Stokoe/Reay, pp.  20-21, "Buy Broom Buzzems" (1 text, 1 tune)
GreigDuncan3 489, "Buy Broom Besoms" (4 fragments, all consisting of the chorus only; 2 tunes)
DT, BROOMBES* BROOMBES3*
Roud #1623
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Fine Broom Besoms (When I Was wi' Barney)" (lyrics)
cf. "The Besom Maker" (chorus)
NOTES: The besom-seller's cry, "Buy broom besoms, wha will buy them noo? (Fine heather ringers), better never grew" is obviously very old, and inspired Burns in 1796 to write "Wha will buy my troggin."
It isn't really a song, though, and it evidently invited completion, as I am aware of at least three texts with this burden:
* I Maun Hae a Wife, probably Scottish, in which the old besom-maker desperately seeks a companion. This humorous text seems to be the best-known of the variants
* The Sam Henry text "Fine Broom Besoms," in which the singer misses Barney
* The Besom Maker, a song of seduction, printed as a broadside.
Volume 38, number 4 of _Sing Out!_ (1994), p. 73 has a conflate modern version (presumably of this, but hard to tell in the circumstances) which declares "The tune is Blind Willie Purvis, born 1752, a Newcastle street singer and fiddler." I assume that should read "The tune is BY Blind Willie Purvis," but I know of no supporting evidence. - RBW
File: DTbroomb
===
NAME: Buy Broom Buzzems: see Buy Broom Besoms (I Maun Hae a Wife) (File: DTbroomb)
===
NAME: Buy Me a China Doll: see Milking Pails (China Doll) (File: R356)
===
NAME: By and By: see By'n By (File: San453)
===
NAME: By By, My Honey: see Who Will Shoe Your Pretty Little Foot (plus related references, e.g. The Lass of Roch Royal [Child 76]) (File: C076A)
===
NAME: By Kells Waters: see The Lover's Curse (Kellswater) (File: HHH442)
===
NAME: By Kells Waters (Kellswaterside)
DESCRIPTION: The singer sets out and stops, seemingly at random, at a cottage by Kellswater. He introduces himself to the girl, and asks her to marry. She thanks him for the offer but refuses. He tells her of the birdsongs and other joys of his home. She gives in
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1856 (broadside, Bodleian 2806 b.11(201))
KEYWORDS: love courting home marriage beauty
FOUND_IN: Ireland Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
SHenry H802, p. 466, "Kellswaterside" (1 text, 1 tune)
McBride 26, "Fair Randalstown" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lehr/Best 104, "The Sweet Town of Anthony" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-Maritime, p. 51, "By Kells Waters" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, KELLWAT2*
Roud #2730
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, 2806 b.11(201), "Bonny Kell's Waters," The Poet's Box (Glasgow), 1856
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Sweet County Antrim"
SAME_TUNE:
Camlachie March (per broadside Bodleian 2806 b.11(201))
File: HHH802
===
NAME: By Memory Inspired
DESCRIPTION: "By Memory inspired And love of country fired, The deeds of Men I love to dwell upon... Here's a memory to the friends that are gone. O'Connell, William Orr, John Mitchel, McCann, John and Henry Sheares, Maguire, Emmet, and others are recalled
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1962
KEYWORDS: Ireland rebellion memorial
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
PGalvin. pp. 101-102, "By Memory Inspired" (1 text, 1 tune)
Moylan 163, "By Memory Inspired" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Grand Dissolving Views" (II) (subject and references there)
cf. "Daniel O'Connell (I)"  (subject: Daniel O'Connell) and references there
cf. "The Wake of William Orr" (subject)
cf. "The Brothers John and Henry Sheares" (subject)
NOTES: Among those mentioned in versions of this song:
O'Connell: Daniel O'Connell (1775-1847), who tried to convince the British to reform administration of Ireland and who was the leading figure on behalf of Catholic Emancipation. (For his history, see the many songs cited in the cross-references to )"Daniel O'Connell (I).")
John Mitchel - One of the 1848 rebels. (For his history, see "John Mitchel").
Emmet - Robert Emmet (1778-1803), for whom see "Bold Robert Emmet." - RBW
Moylan adds information for those mentioned in the song:
"Edward" Lord Edward Fitzgerald's capture is cited here, but in less detail than in "Edward" (III)
William Orr - Farmer, arrested in September 1796, charged with administering the United Irish oath, and executed October 14, 1797. His death inspired a well-known poem by William Drennan, "The Wake of William Orr," which also is found in this Index though I'm none too sure it's traditional.
Thomas Reynolds - member of the Leinster Directory of the United Irishmen turned informer.
John McCann, Bond and William Byrne - Among the members of the United Irish leadership taken in a raid based on Reynold's information.
The Sheares brothers - members of the new National Directory set up to replace the one destroyed by the raid based on Reynold's information.
Fr Thomas Maguire - parish priest who engaged in a public debate on theological matters in 1827. His poisoning, mentioned in the ballad, took place in 1847.
The ballad is recorded on one of the CD's issued around the time of the bicentenial of the 1798 Irish Rebellion. See:
Franke Harte and Donal Lunny, "By Memory Inspired" (on Franke Harte and Donal Lunny, "1798 the First Year of Liberty," Hummingbird Records HBCD0014 (1998)) - BS
File: PGa101
===
NAME: By the Green Grove: see The Birds in the Spring (File: RcTBiITS)
===
NAME: By the Hush
DESCRIPTION: The singer calls on his listeners not to go to America; "there is nothing here but war." Unable to make a living in Ireland, he emigrates, is shoved straight into the army, joins the Irish Brigade, loses a leg, and is left without his promised pension
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1957 (recording, O. J. Abbott); there is a nineteenth century broadside
KEYWORDS: poverty emigration soldier injury war Civilwar disability
FOUND_IN: Canada(Ont,Que)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Fowke/MacMillan 6, "By the Hush, me Boys" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, BYHUSH*
Roud #2314
RECORDINGS:
O. J. Abbott, "By the Hush, Me Boys" (on Abbott1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Farewell to Slieve Gallen" (plot)
cf. "Pat Murphy of the Irish Brigade" (subject)
NOTES: There is much historical truth in this song. The Irish Brigade, commanded by Thomas Francis Meagher (pronounced "Marr") had a horrendous loss rate even by Civil War standards.
In the first two years of the war, the brigade (63 NY, 69 NY, 88 NY; 28 Mass and 116 PA added later) had the highest casualty rate of any comparable unit in the Army of the Potomac. By Gettysburg, the brigade had only 600 men (out of over 4000 originally enrolled), and the three New York regiments had fewer than a hundred men a piece -- a casualty rate in excess of 90%.
At the Battle of Antietam, for instance, the first division of the Second Corps, which contained the Irish Brigade, suffered 212 killed, 900 wounded, and 24 missing (see James B. Murfin, _The Gleam of Bayonets: The Battle of Antietam and Robert E. Lee's Maryland Campaign, September 1862_, 1965; I use the 1985 Louisiana State University Press, p. 375). At the start that battle, the four regiments of the brigade were commanded by one colonel and three lieutenant colonels; at the end, they were commanded by two lieutenant colonels, one major, and one captain (Murfin, p. 347).
It should be noted that some sources have written very inaccurately about Meagher and the Irish Brigade -- particularly about the 69 NY. Meagher himself (1823-1876) was quite a character; an Irish patriot, he was transported to Tasmania in 1849, and escaped to the U. S. in 1852.
When the Civil War began, he reasoned that British sympathy would be with the Confederacy, and so joined the Union army. (In this he was not entirely correct; while many in the British aristocracy sympathized with the Confederate planters, the people were anti-slavery, and so anti-south, and the government wasn't going to commit to either side.) Meagher quickly raised a company for the three-month unit known as the 69th New York Militia. With this militia unit -- which he did *not* command -- he fought at First Bull Run.
After Bull Run, the militia unit was disbanded. Meagher then set out to raise an Irish *brigade*. He succeeded in raising those three New York regiments, and was given the command of the unit. And the unit included the "real" 69 NY (which was not the same as the militia unit, despite Meagher's association with both). However, Meagher was never the colonel of the 69 NY (which had only one colonel, Robert Nugent, in its entire existence).
Some sources say the Irish Brigade was shattered at Gettysburg. As the statistics above show, it was shattered well before Gettysburg. Meagher resigned his commission after Chancellorsville (fought two months earlier) on the grounds that the brigade was too much weakened to be effective; his resignation would be rescinded later, but he would not serve with the Irish Brigade at or after Gettysburg; the unit was led by Col. Patrick Kelly of the 88 NY (one of only two colonels left with the brigade, and commissioned only in October 1862, which again shows the high rate of casualties in the unit); the 69 NY was led by Captain Richard Maroney.
For Meagher's career before and after the Civil War, see the notes to "The Escape of Meagher."
The notes to Margaret Christl and Ian Robb's recording of this song make the curious observation that, although this song is about an Irishman in America, it seems to be known only in Canada!
Several people on the Ballad-L mailing list recently attempted to trace the history of this song. Relatively little was found. There is a broadside, "Pat in America," beginning "Arragh, bidenhust my boys, Sure and that is hold your noise," with the tune listed as "Happy Land of Erin." But it cannot be dated precisely, and there is little evidence of the song in tradition in the century after that.
I also find a broadside, "The Tipperary Boys" (broadside Murray, Mu23-y1:061, "The Tipperary Boys," James Lindsay (Glasgow), 19C), which seems built on the same pattern and formula. - RBW
File: DTbyhush
===
NAME: By the Lightning We Lost our Sight [Laws K6]
DESCRIPTION: The singer is on a journey from Gibraltar to England when a hurricane strikes. Sent aloft to reef the sails, he and four others are blinded when lightning strikes the mast. The storm washes several others overboard
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1883 (Smith/Hatt)
KEYWORDS: sailor storm death disability
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Laws K6, "By the Lightning We Lost Our Sight"
Mackenzie 86, "By the Lightning We Lost Our Sight" (1 text)
Smith/Hatt, pp. 76-78, "The Blind Sailor" (1 text)
DT 557, LIGHTNNG
Roud #1894
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Captain Burke" [Laws K5]
File: LK06
===
NAME: By the Silvery Rio Grande: see My Heart's Tonight in Texas [Laws B23] (File: LB23)
===
NAME: By'm By: see By'n By (File: San453)
===
NAME: By'n By
DESCRIPTION: "By'n by, by'n by, Stars shining, Number, number one, Number two, number three, Good Lord, by'n by, by'n by, Good Lord, by'n by."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Sandburg)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Sandburg, p. 453, "By'm By" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 358, "By And By" (1 text)
Roud #11600
RECORDINGS:
Pete Seeger, "By'm By" (on GrowOn2)
File: San453
===
NAME: Bye and Bye: see Don't You Grieve After Me (I) (File: R257)
===
NAME: Bye and Bye You Will Forget Me (I)
DESCRIPTION: "Bye and by you will forget me, When your face is far from me, And the day when I first met you Only lives in memory." She recalls that sad day, urges him to forget -- but if she dies, THEN she asks him to remember
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1962 (Brown), but clearly in existence by 1926 when Kelly Harrell made the recording cited
KEYWORDS: love separation nonballad death burial
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownII 161, "Bye and Bye You Will Forget Me" (1 text)
Roud #6577
RECORDINGS:
Kelly Harrell, "Bye and Bye You Will Forget Me" (Victor 20535, 1926; on KHarrell02 -- primarily a "Dear Companion/Fond Affection" variant, but with elements from this song)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Down Among the Budded Roses" (lyrics)
File: BrII161
===
NAME: Bye and Bye You Will Forget Me (II): see Dear Companion (The Broken Heart; Go and Leave Me If You Wish To, Fond Affection) (File: R755)
===
NAME: Bye Baby Bunting
DESCRIPTION: "Bye, baby bunting, Daddy's gone a-hunting To get a little rabbit skin To wrap the baby bunting in." "Sister stayed at home To rock-a-bye-a-baby bunting. Mama stayed at home To bake a cake for baby bunting."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1784 (Gammar Gurton's Garland, according to Opie-Oxford2)
KEYWORDS: nonballad baby hunting family
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,SE) Britain(England) Jamaica
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
BrownIII 112, "Bye Baby Bunting" (assorted stanzas from sundry collections)
Opie-Oxford2 25, "Bye, baby bunting" (2 texts)
Baring-Gould-MotherGoose #551, p. 226, "(Bee baw bunting)"
MHenry-Appalachians, p. 243, (no title) (1 short text)
Roud #11018
File: Br3112
===
NAME: Byker Hill
DESCRIPTION: Dance tune with sketchy narrative; singer's wife sits up late drinking. Singer asks her to return home (bringing the beer). He also tells of working in Walker Pit and the poor wages for coal-cutters, singing ironically "Walker Pit's done well by me."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1812 (John Bell, "Rhymes of Northern Bards")
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Usually a dance tune (in 2-2-2-3 time!), but with sketchy narrative; singer's wife sits up late drinking, neglecting home and family. Singer pleads with her to return home (but to bring the beer with her). He also tells of working in Walker Pit and the poor wages for coal-cutters, singing ironically "Walker Pit's done well by me," and a verse of "Geordie Charlton he had a pig/He hit it with a shovel and it danced a jig"
KEYWORDS: mining work drink wife worker
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(North))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
DT, BYKERHIL*
Roud #3488
RECORDINGS:
A. L. Lloyd, "Walker Shore and Byker Hill" (on Lloyd1); "Walker Hill and Byker Shore" (on Lloyd3)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "My Dearie Sits Ower Late Up" (tune)
cf. "Elslie Marley" (tune)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Byker Hill and Walker Shore
File: DTbykerh
===
NAME: Byrontown
DESCRIPTION: The singer claims that he "belongs" in Byrontown, where "young ladies gay I will betray, And give them all their due." The rest of the song is devoted to complaining about women, e.g. how they lure men on and spend their money
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1949
KEYWORDS: courting oldmaid money
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Doerflinger, pp. 261-262, "Byrontown" (1 text, 1 tune)
Manny/Wilson 8, "Byrontown" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST Doe261 (Partial)
Roud #9202
NOTES: In some versions, the city is "Barren Town," a nickname for Renous, New Brunswick, - RBW
Manny/Wilson: "This song is always credited to Larry Gorman, but it does not seem quite like Gorman." - BS
File: Doe261
===
NAME: C & O Freight & Section Crew Wreck, The
DESCRIPTION: A train with Jay Thompson and Doc Compton aboard is wrecked in the Big Sandy Valley.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1981 (Cohen)
KEYWORDS: train wreck
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Cohen-LSRail, p. 274, "The C & O Freight & Section Crew Wreck" (notes only)
File: LSRa274L
===
NAME: C-H-I-C-K-E-N
DESCRIPTION: "C, that's the way to begin; H, the next letter in; I, is the third; C, seasoning the bird; K...C-H-I-C-K-E-N, that's the way to spell chicken"
AUTHOR: Sidney Perrin & Bob Slater
EARLIEST_DATE: 1902 (sheet music published)
KEYWORDS: food humorous nonballad animal bird chickens
FOUND_IN: US(SE,Ap)
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Arthur Collins, "Dat's De Way to Spell Chicken" (CYL: Edison 8301, 1903)
John & Emery McClung, "C-H-I-C-K-E-N Spells Chicken" (Brunswick 135, 1927)
McGee Brothers "C-H-I-C-K-E-N Spells Chicken" (Vocalion 5150, 1927; Conqueror 7257, 1929; I also have a listing for the latter as being by Kirk McGee & Blythe Poteet, and another as by Rogers and Puckett, which is almost certainly wrong.)
Fiddlin' Doc Roberts Trio, "Ragtime Chicken Joe" (Conqueror 8566, 1935; rec. 1933)
Three Tobacco Tags, "De Way to Spell Chicken" (Bluebird B-7973, 1938)
NOTES: The recent version by the Red Clay Ramblers fits this chorus with an outline in which Ragtime Joe is made to spell "chicken" in school. Not having heard some of the early recordings, I don't know if this is integral to the song and Paul Stamler omitted it in his description, or if someone added it later. - RBW
The "Ragtime Chicken Joe" verse is indeed part of the original piece, published as a "coon song." - PJS
File: RcCHICKE
===
NAME: C. & O. Wreck, The (1913) [Laws G4]
DESCRIPTION: Men are at work on the C & O bridge at Guyandotte, but a train is given permission to cross it. The bridge fails, taking the train, the engineer, and seven bridge workers with it.  The ballad ends with the usual wish for the widow and orphans
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1924 (recording, George Reneau)
KEYWORDS: train death wreck
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Jan 1, 1913 - Reported date of the C. & O. Wreck at Guyandott(e), West Virginia
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MW)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Laws G4, "The C. & O. Wreck"
Gardner/Chickering 121, "The Seno Wreck" (1 text)
Combs/Wilgus 73, pp. 172-174, "The C. & O. Wreck" (1 text)
Cohen-LSRail, p. 274, "The C & O Wreck" (notes only)
Roud #3248
RECORDINGS:
George Reneau, "The C & O Wreck" (Vocalion 14897, 1924)
NOTES: Laws has some notes about the actual facts of this case (NAB, pp. 65-66) - RBW
File: LG04
===
NAME: C.C. Rider: see Easy Rider (File: LxU022)
===
NAME: C'est a Paris Y-A-T'Une Noce (There's a Wedding in Paris)
DESCRIPTION: French. The young girl the singer married was at least 80 years old: married Monday, buried Tuesday. But he didn't marry her; he married her money. If he marries again it will be with a girl 15 years old.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1961 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage age greed marriage burial death oldmaid wife money
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, pp. 255-256, "C'est a Paris Y-A-T'Une Noce" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: Pea255
===
NAME: C'est L'Aviron (Pull on the Oars)
DESCRIPTION: French: "C'est l'aviron, qui nous mene, qui nous mene, c'est l'aviron qui nous mene en haut." A young man goes riding, picks up a pretty girl, and takes her home to get a drink. Once home, "turning to me, she toasted her own lover"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1865
KEYWORDS: courting drink family foreignlanguage
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf,Que)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Fowke/Johnston, pp. 58-59, "C'est L'aviron (Pull on the Oars)" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fowke/MacMillan 49, "C'est L'Aviron" (1 English and 1 French text, 1 tune)
Peacock, p. 517, "En Revenant de la Jolie Rochelle" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST FJ058 (Partial)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
It's the Oars
NOTES: "Over the years, more than ninety variants of this song have been written down or recorded on cylinders, discs, or tapes in French Canada. A few variants have also been found in the northeastern United States and France." [from] "'M'en, revenant de la Joli'Rochelle'::A song from c/ 1500 in the current French-Canadian repertoire" by Jay Rahn in _Canadian Journal for Traditional Music_, vol 16, 1988. See archives of the site for the Canadian Journal for Traditional Music. - BS
File: FJ058
===
NAME: C'etait Trois Jeunes Garcons Partis Pour un Voyage (Three Young Boys Go on a Voyage)
DESCRIPTION: French. Three boys go on  a voyage to distant islands, leaving loved ones. The youngest walks on the shore and cries. From far away he hears the voice of a swallow speaking to him about love. Beautiful swallow, fly to "la belle" and sit on her knee.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage love separation bird lover
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, p. 512, "C'etait Trois Jeunes Garcons Partis Pour un Voyage" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: Pea512
===
NAME: Ca the Yowes to the Knowes: see Yowe Lamb, The (Ca' the Yowes; Lovely Molly) (File: K124)
===
NAME: Ca' Hawkie Through the Water
DESCRIPTION: "Ca' Hawkie, ca' Hawkie, 'Ca Hawkie through the water, Hawkie is a sweir beast, And Hawkie winna wade the water." Hawkie is praised for her milk but blamed for her stubbornness; girls are advised to be brave and bold with men
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1900 (Stokoe/Reay)
KEYWORDS: animal river courting
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(North),Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Stokoe/Reay, pp. 132-133, "Ca' Hawkie Through the Water" (1 text, 1 tune)
GreigDuncan3 428, "Hawkie" (1 text)
Montgomerie-ScottishNR 27, "(Caw Hawkie, drive Hawkie)" (1 text)
DT, CAHAWKIE
Roud #3159 and 5945
NOTES: Grieg seems to think that Hawkie was an unwilling horse, but he had only a fragment. The Northumbrian version makes it clear that Hawkie is a cow. - RBW
File: StoR132
===
NAME: Ca' the Ewes Unto the Knowes: see Yowe Lamb, The (Ca' the Yowes; Lovely Molly) (File: K124)
===
NAME: Ca' the Yowes (II): see Yowe Lamb, The (Ca' the Yowes; Lovely Molly) (File: K124)
===
NAME: Cabbage and Goose: see Sale of a Wife (File: HHH226)
===
NAME: Cabbage Head Song, The: see Four Nights Drunk [Child 274] (File: C274)
===
NAME: Cabin Boy: see The Maid in Sorrow (Short Jacket) [Laws N12] (File: LN12)
===
NAME: Cabin Boy, The: see Captain James (The Captain's Apprentice) (File: SWMS054)
===
NAME: Cabin Creek Flood, The
DESCRIPTION: "A sad and mournful history Of which I now will speak Concerning that awful storm That flooded Cabin Creek." Five hours of rain washes away the miners' homes. The government and neighboring towns send relief
AUTHOR: James W. Day ("Jilson Setters")?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939 (Thomas)
KEYWORDS: flood disaster death
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Thomas-Makin', pp. 106-107, (no title) (1 text)
NOTES: Although certainly based on a historical incident, the few details in the song and in Thomas's account do not let me locate it in historical records. - RBW
File: ThBa106
===
NAME: Cadence Count: see Sound Off (Cadence Count, Jody Chant) (File: LoF317)
===
NAME: Cadger Bruce
DESCRIPTION: "The lottery would hae been complete Had cadger [traveling dealer] Bruce gane there to see't Or Jamie Birse the lousy breet Had he been there in the mornin'." Many people -- smiths, ploughmen, ... -- did go and "the lottery it's raised muckle din"
AUTHOR: Peter McCombie (source: GreigDuncan3)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1917 (GreigDuncan3)
KEYWORDS: commerce nonballad
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
GreigDuncan3 621, "Cadger Bruce" (1 text)
Roud #6059
NOTES: GreigDuncan3 has a map on p. xxxv, of "places mentioned in songs in volume 3" showing the song number as well as place name; Baldyvin (621) is at coordinate (h2,v6) on that map [near Alford, roughly 23 miles W of Aberdeen]. - BS
File: GrD3621
===
NAME: Cahan's Shaden Glen
DESCRIPTION: The singer goes rambling and sees beautiful "Eliza of Cahan's shaden glen." Hecourts her, but "She will not condescend; I have no gold in store." He wishes her well and departs, wishing he could have gained her favor
AUTHOR: Francey Heaney?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1934 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: love courting rejection beauty
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H538, pp. 364-365, "Cahan's Shady Glen" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #6882
NOTES: Very possibly not traditional; Sam Henry did not list a source, and no other traditional versions are known. - RBW
File: HHH538
===
NAME: Cailin Deas Cruite Na MBo: see The Pretty Girl Milkin' Her Cow (File: San040)
===
NAME: Cailin Gaelach, An (The Irish Girl)
DESCRIPTION: Gaelic. The singer thinks of how nice it would be to have an Irish girl by his side. One morning, herding his cows, he sees a vision of a woman. He will care for the herds well because young women marry when they see a well cared for herd.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1976 (OBoyle)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage marriage farming nonballad animal
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
OBoyle 7, "Cailin Gaelach" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: O Boyle does not translate the text. There is a text on DruidStone site in Gaelic with English translation. The description follows that translation. O Boyle's conclusion that "men marry for the sake of cattle" disagrees with that translation. - BS
File: Oboy007
===
NAME: Cailin Rua, An (The Red-Headed Girl)
DESCRIPTION: Gaelic. The singer praises his beautiful red-headed girl even though she drained his purse by drinking his ale and spending in the market on fancy shoes and ribbons instead of food and even though she ran off with the shop-boy. He prefers her to wealth.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1976 (OBoyle)
KEYWORDS:  foreignlanguage love infidelity nonballad
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
OBoyle 8, "Cailin Rua, An" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, ANCAILIN
NOTES: O Boyle summarizes the text in English but does not translate it. There is a Digital Tradition text in Gaelic with English translation that is compatible with O Boyle's summary. The description follows the Digital Tradition translation. - BS
File: OBoy008
===
NAME: Cain and Abel (When the Great Day Comes)
DESCRIPTION: "Well, the Good Book says that Cain killed Abel, Yes, Abel, That he hit him in the head with the leg of a table." In the lion's den, Daniel tells the "cullud men" to get their white robes. "Oh, Lord, I'se ready, I'll be ready when the great day comes."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1952 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: religious murder nonballad clothes
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 557, "Can and Abel" (1 short text)
Roud #11827
RECORDINGS:
Cotton Belt Quartet, "We'll Be Ready When the Great Day Comes" (Vocalion 15263, 1926) [tentative identification; I have not heard the record - PJS]
File: Br3557
===
NAME: Cain Killed Abel
DESCRIPTION: A shanty about cane-cutting (!). "I was a cane-cutter but now I'm at sea, Stoop it, and top it, and load it, my boys; Once Cain killed Abel, but it won't kill me." "I worked very hard until I went to sea/" ""This cutting of cane it isn't much fun."
AUTHOR: Words: Merv Lilley / Music: Chris Kempster
EARLIEST_DATE: 1964
KEYWORDS: work shanty nonballad
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Fahey-Eureka, pp. 200-201, "Cain Killed Abel" (1 text, 1 tune)
Manifold-PASB, p. 171, "Cane Killed Abel" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: FaE200
===
NAME: Cairistiona
DESCRIPTION: Scots Gaelic. The singer calls to Cairistiona, "Will you answer my cry?" After courting her, he went across the sea for years, and returns to find her dead.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1917 (Kennedy-Fraser)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage love separation return death
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Hebr))
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Kennedy 5, "Cairistiona (Christina)" (1 text+English translation, 1 tune)
Kennedy-Fraser II, pp. 182-184, "Caristiona" (1 text+English translation, 1 tune)
NOTES: Kennedy somehow fails to note the connection between his piece and that in Kennedy-Fraser (the minor difference in names seems small excuse; the tunes are rather different, but both irregular, which probably hastened the process of change), but they share lyrics and plot; I do not doubt they are the same. - RBW
File: K005
===
NAME: Cairn-o'-Mount
DESCRIPTION: The singer rides out and hears a girl singing, "The Cairn-o'-Mount is bleak and bare, An' cauld is Clochnabane." The man offers her wealth and land if she will marry him. She promises to be true to her Donald. He reveals himself as Donald, and rich
AUTHOR: Alexander Balfour 
EARLIEST_DATE: 1904 (Ford)
KEYWORDS: love courting disguise trick
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Ford-Vagabond, pp. 106-109, "Cairn-o'-Mount" (1 text)
Ord, pp. 436-437, "Cairn-o'-Mount" (1 text)
Roud #3794
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "John (George) Riley (I)" [Laws N36] (plot) and references there
File: FVS106
===
NAME: Caitilin Ni Uallachain (Cathaleen Ni Houlihan)
DESCRIPTION: Gaelic. Irish nobles wander, banned, hoping for "the coming-to of Kathaleen Ny-Houlihan." She would be queen "were the king's son at home here." It is a disgrace that she is vassal to the Saxon. May he who led Israel through the waves save her
AUTHOR: Sparling: "A Jacobite relic translated [by James Clarence Mangan, 1803-1849] from the Irish of William Hefferan, called William Dall, or Blind William"
EARLIEST_DATE: 1845 (Duffy)
KEYWORDS: Ireland rebellion patriotic foreignlanguage nonballad
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1798 - Irish rebellion against British rule
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (8 citations)
Zimmermann, p. 31, "Caitilin Ni Uallachain" (1 fragment)
Scott-BoA, pp. 94-96, "Caitilin Ni Uallachain (Cathaleen Ni Houlihan)" (1 text, 1 tune; no translator listed)
ADDITIONAL:
Charles Gavan Duffy, editor, The Ballad Poetry of Ireland (1845), pp. 89-90, "Kathaleen Ny-Houlahan"
Edward Hayes, The Ballads of Ireland (Boston, 1859), Vol I, pp. 231-232, "Kathaleen Ny Houlahan" (1 text, translated by J.C. Mangan)
H. Halliday Sparling, Irish Minstrelsy (London, 1888), pp. 141-142, 504, "Kathaleen Ny-Houlahan"
Charles Sullivan, ed., Ireland in Poetry, p. 62, "Kathaleen Ny-Houlahan" (1 text, translated by James Clarence Mangan, 1803-1849)
Thomas Kinsella, _The New Oxford Book of Irish Verse_ (Oxford, 1989), pp. 273-275, "Kathaleen Ny-Houlahan" (1 text) [translated by James Clarence Mangan]
NOTES: Zimmermann p. 31 fn. 73 is a fragment in Irish and English; Duffy/Sparling's translation by Mangan is the basis for the description.
Zimmermann p. 31 refering to "Caitilin Ni Uallachain": "In the eighteenth century poets were clinging to the hope that [help] would arrive from France or Spain, and they frequently alluded to a fleet bringing back to Ireland the Stuart king and his mighty allies"
Zimmermann p. 55, Sparling p. 141: Caitlin Ni Uallachain as a secret or coded name. for Ireland. - BS
Kinsella attributes the original Irish to William Hefferman.
The image of Ireland as a lady wronged was very popular in Ireland (even though no one can seem to agree on the spelling). This lyric was one of the first examples. In 1902, William Butler Yeats and Lady Augusta Gregory staged the play "Cathleen ni Houlihan," about the 1798 rebellion. Sir John Lavery painted Lady Lavery, with harp, as Kathleen in 1923. This beautiful image came to be used on Irish money and can be seen in Sullivan, p. 63.
My original description applies to Scott's English version: "Our hopes run high, the time is nigh To make the text of war. Our plans are laid, our weapons made, And soon our guns will roar." The [Irish] rebels prepare for war, calling upon Jesus to bless (and free) Cathaleen Ni Houlihan (=Ireland) - RBW
File: SBoA094
===
NAME: Calabar, The
DESCRIPTION: The singer calls "dry-land sailors" to hear of the (Calabar), sailing the (Strabane canal). The food runs out. They hit mud, and throw off the captain's wife to lighten ship. They fight off a "pirate" scow. The captain says he'll take the train next time.
AUTHOR: John Trainor (1910) (OLochlainn-More)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1910 (OLochlainn-More)
KEYWORDS: canal humorous food disaster wreck
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
SHenry H502, pp. 98-99, "The Cruise of the Calabar" (1 text, 1 tune)
OLochlainn-More 17, "The Cruise of the Calabar" (1 text, 1 tune)
Hammond-Belfast, pp. 32-33, "The Cruise of the Calibar" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CALABARR
ADDITIONAL: Frank Harte _Songs of Dublin_, second edition, Ossian, 1993, pp. 16-17, "The Cruise of the Calabad" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #1079
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The E-ri-e" (theme) and references there
cf. "The Wreck of the Mary Jane" (theme and first line)
cf. "The Wreck of the Varty" (theme and first line)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Manchester Canal
The Wreck of the Calibar
The Good Ship Calabah
The Strabane Fleet
NOTES: Sort of an Irish version of "The E-ri-e." It doesn't follow that it's older, though; there are references to steam.
Harte makes the interesting comment that he never encountered a serious canal song, adding that a canalman told him that the worst danger on the canal boats was fleas! Harte's statement is a little strong -- there are a couple of minor canal disaster songs in the American tradition -- but he isn't far wrong. - RBW
Also collected and sung by David Hammond, "Cruise of the Calabar" (on David Hammond, "I Am the Wee Falorie Man: Folk Songs of Ireland," Tradition TCD1052 CD (1997) reissue of Tradition LP TLP 1028 (1959)) - BS
File: HHH502
===
NAME: Calder's Braes
DESCRIPTION: The narrative tells that the young man was present at the storming of Seringapatam (the capital of Tippoo Sahib, sultan of Mysore) which took place in 1798. He returns safe home but finds that his lass has died.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1806 (C. Randall, chapbook _The Bonny Lass of Calder Braes_, according to GreigDuncan1)
KEYWORDS: love war separation return death Scotland India soldier
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
GreigDuncan1 95, "Calder's Braes" (1 fragment)
Roud #5790
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Logan Water" (tune, broadsides Bodleian Harding B 11(3238), 2806 c.15(284) and Firth b.28(13))
NOTES: The description is quoted from the GreigDuncan1 summary of the 1806 chapbook _The Bonny Lass of Calder Braes_. The GreigDuncan1 fragment is one verse sung by the soldier who "left to face my country's faes, My weeping maid on Calder's Braes." - BS
File: GrD1095
===
NAME: Caledonia (I): see Jamie Raeburn (Caledonia) (File: MA085)
===
NAME: Caledonia (II): see Canada-I-O (The Wearing of the Blue; Caledonia) (File: HHH162)
===
NAME: Caledonia (III -- Jean and Caledonia)
DESCRIPTION: "Sair, sair was my heart, an' the tears stood in my een As I viewed my native hills an' I thought upon my Jean." Pressed by poverty (?), the two sadly part; he promises to be true, and wed no other, and someday to come back to marry her
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1904 (Ford)
KEYWORDS: love separation emigration poverty
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Ford-Vagabond, pp. 237-239, "Jean and Caledonia" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ord, p. 116, "Jean and Caledonia" (1 text)
Roud #3801
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Erin's Flowery Vale (The Irish Girl's Lament)" [Laws O29] (plot) and references there
File: FVS237
===
NAME: Calendar Rhymes
DESCRIPTION: Rhymes detailing the months of the year, e.g. "January brings the snow, Makes our feet and fingers glow"; "February brings the rain, Thaws the frozen lake again"; and so on to "Chill December brings the sleet, Blazing fire and Christmas treat"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: probably of various ages; nearly all published in nineteenth century nursery rhyme books
KEYWORDS: 
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Baring-Gould-MotherGoose #329, p. 180, "(January brings the snow)"; #336, p. 182, ("February brings the rain"); #341, p. 182, ("March brings breezes, loud and shrill"); #354, p. 185, ("April brings the primrose sweet"); #359, p. 186, ("May brings flocks of pretty lambs"); #371, p. 188, ("June brings tulips, lilies, roses"); #377, p. 189, ""Hot July brings cooling showers); #383, p. 190, ("August brings the sheaves of corn"); #389, p. 190, "Warm September brings the fruit"); #393, p. 191, "Fresh October brings the pheasant"); #402, p. 193 ("Dull November brings the blast"); #412, p. 194, ("Chill December brings the sleet")
Roud #1599, 1954
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Months" (Flanders and Swann parody incorporating some of the traditional elements; DT JANMONTH)
NOTES: Some of the verses of this are slightly similar to "The Months of the Year"; Roud to some extent combines them, and it is likely enough that "The Months" swallowed some of these rhymes. But that song is so different in form that I have split them.
Even with that separated out, this is a very amorphous item, and may not have been sung or assembled in particular form. But tracking each fragment individually is hopeless. - RBW
File: BGMG329
===
NAME: Calibar, The: see The Calabar (File: HHH502)
===
NAME: California: see Ho for California (Banks of Sacramento) (File: E125)
===
NAME: California Bloomer
DESCRIPTION: Singer describes Miss Ella, an educated female gold-miner who has "taken two degrees" and wears bloomers to show her knees.  He'll leave for the States soon. Cho: "Take your time, Miss Ella, do And I will rock the cradle Give the ore all to you"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1854 (Put's Original California Songster)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Singer describes Miss Ella, an educated female gold-miner who has "taken two degrees" and wears bloomers so that she can show her knees. He describes her crossing the plains and washing her feet in a brook; she has also done some successful panning for gold dust. He says he'll leave for the States as soon as he can. Cho: ."..Take your time, Miss Ella, do/And I will rock the cradle/Give the ore all to you"
KEYWORDS: return travel clothes mining work worker
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1849 - California gold rush begins
FOUND_IN: US(SW)
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Logan English, "California Bloomer" (on LEnglish02)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Lucy Long (I)" (rune)
cf. "Lucy Long (II)" (tune)
NOTES: In the late 1840s Amelia J. Bloomer designed the loose trousers, gathered at the knees, that immediately were called "bloomers." They were widely popular among young women, whom it freed up to be far more physically active than they could be in the long dresses of the time. Men viewed them with alarm and derision, calling the women who wore them "bloomer girls," not a complimentary term. - PJS
File: RcCalBlo
===
NAME: California Blues (Blue Yodel #4)
DESCRIPTION: "I'm going to California where they sleep out every night (x2), I'm leaving you, mama, You know you don't treat me right." The singer claims he has a home everywhere he goes. He refuses to worry, and will ride the blinds if he has no railroad fare.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1952
KEYWORDS: separation travel train
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 505, "The California Blues" (1 text)
Roud #11804
NOTES: Although Brown's text is obviously a popular Blue Yodel, the version recorded apparently did not include a yodeling part. - RBW
File: Br3505
===
NAME: California Boys: see Come All You Virginia Girls (Arkansas Boys; Texian Boys; Cousin Emmy's Blues; etc.) (File: R342)
===
NAME: California Brothers, The: see The Dying Californian (I) (File: R183)
===
NAME: California Joe
DESCRIPTION: "Well, mates, I don't like stories," so the singer tells his: of rescuing an orphan teenager when riding with Jim Bridger. She says she will love him, then her uncle takes her to his home. She is told Cowboy Jack is dead, but at last they are reunited
AUTHOR: Captain Jack Crawford, "The Poet Scout"
EARLIEST_DATE: 1886 (Crawford, in The Poet Scout)
KEYWORDS: cowboy love rescue orphan reunion drowning
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,So,SW)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Larkin, pp. 136-139, "California Joe" (1 text, 1 tune)
Logsdon 30, pp. 173-181, "California Joe" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CALIFJOE
Roud #4645
NOTES: Crawford describes this as a true story written in the year California Joe died (1876), though he does not explicitly identify California Joe.
The _Concise Dictionary of American Biography_ notes that John Wallace "Captain Jack" Crawford (1847-1917) served in the Union army from 1862, and "succeeded Buffalo Bill Cody as chief of scouts" [in the 1876 Sioux campaign]. It adds that he wrote "sincere but banal verse." This last description seems to be true: _Granger's Index to Poetry_ cites only three of his poems, none of which is cited more than once. The three are this poem, "The Death of Custer," and (get this) "Broncho versus Bicycle." It appears Crawford is remembered primarily for his scouting work; I couldn't find his name or descriptions of his writings in any literature or poetry references.
Additional information about Crawford can be found ing Logsdon.
Western scout Jim Bridger (1804-1881) was part of many exploratory expeditions from 1822 to 1868. - RBW
File: Lark137
===
NAME: California Stage Company, The
DESCRIPTION: "They started as a thieving line." The shortcomings of the California Stage Company are described. Passengers are crowded into dirty, smoky cars; passengers must often help push or walk. The singer urges listeners to rise up against the Company.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1858 (Put's Golden Songster)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: The shortcomings of the California Stage Company are described. Passengers are crowded into dirty, smoky cars; women must sit in tobacco spit while men talk politics and swear; it's dusty, and passengers must often help push or walk. The singer urges listeners to rise up against the Company. Cho: "They started as a thieving line In eighteen-hundred-and-forty-nine All opposition they defy So the people must root hog or die"
KEYWORDS: travel technology ordeal nonballad
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1849 - Beginning of California gold rush
FOUND_IN: US(SW)
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #8060
RECORDINGS:
Logan English, "The California Stage Company" (on LEnglish02
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Dandy Jim of Caroline" (tune)
NOTES: Again, we need the keyword "bitching," plus, perhaps, "squalor." - PJS
File: RcCaStCo
===
NAME: California Trail
DESCRIPTION: A complaint about the troubles of the trail to Mexico: Bad food (e.g. antelope steak), having to cook with buffalo chips rather than wood, fires that burn cooking women, Indians, people who shirk guard duty, etc. The singer advises giving up
AUTHOR: unknown (Credited in Thorp to "Montana Kate" Childs, 1869)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1900
KEYWORDS: warning travel hardtimes
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Thorp/Fife IV, pp. 58-60 (15-16), "California Trail" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #8051
File: TF04
===
NAME: Calinda: see Michie Preval (File: CNFM166)
===
NAME: Calino Casturame: see Callino Casturame (Colleen Og a Store; Cailin O Chois tSiure; Happy 'Tis, Thou Blind, for Thee) (File: HHH491)
===
NAME: Call John the Boatman
DESCRIPTION: The singer orders, "Call John the Boatman." A storm is rising, and he is needed -- but he sleeps too soundly for even the tempest to rouse him: "Well, the louder that you call him, the faster he'll sleep."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1951
KEYWORDS: sailor storm
FOUND_IN: US(MA)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Doerflinger, p. 173, "Call John the Boatman" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9433
File: Doe173
===
NAME: Call My Little Dog
DESCRIPTION: "Call my little dog. What shall I call him? Call him Ponto, Call him Carlo, Call him J-A-C-K."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1910 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: nonballad dog
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 138, "Call My Little Dog" (1 text)
Roud #15765
File: Br3138
===
NAME: Call of Home, The
DESCRIPTION: "Across the foaming ocean... In a corner of old Ireland there's a spot that's dear to me." The singer recalls the cottage where he was born. The ocean has called him away, and now he lives in a great dirty city. He cannot go home, but wishes it well
AUTHOR: Jean Currie ?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1936 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: homesickness emigration
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H674, p. 219, "The Call of Home" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Scarborough Settler's Lament" (theme) and references there
File: HHH674
===
NAME: Call of Quantrell, The
DESCRIPTION: The singer calls his hearers to rise; Penick's Union forces are coming, "But the Quantrell they seek shall be far, far away." The singer promises that, when Penick flags, they will turn on him and regain their territory
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1896 (Immortelles)
KEYWORDS: outlaw Civilwar
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Aug 21, 1863 - Quantrill's Raiders destroy Lawrence, Kansas, killing about 150 men.
May 10, 1865 - Quantrill is mortally wounded on his way to Washington (where he hoped to stir up trouble by assassination). He dies 20 days later.
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Belden, pp.353-354, "The Call of Quantrell" (1 text)
Roud #7771
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Quantrell" (subject)
cf. "Charlie Quantrell" (subject)
cf. "Bold Reynard the Fox (Tallyho! Hark! Away!)" (form"
NOTES: As is so often the case with outlaw ballads, this paints much too pretty a picture. For a brief background on Quantrill (the name used in Confederate records), see the notes to "Charlie Quantrell."
To tell this song from other Quantrell pieces, consider this first half-stanza and chorus:
Up! Up! comrades, up! The moon's in the west,
And we must be gone ere the dawning of the morn;
The hounds of old Penick will find out our nest,
But the Quantrell they seek shall be far, far away....
Cho: Rouse, my brave boys, up, up and away,
Press hard on the foe ere the dawning of day;
Look well to your steeds so gallant and [i.e. in?] chase,
That they may never give o'er till they win in the race."
Based on both form and content, I think this was inspired by "Bold Reynard the Fox (Tallyho! Hark! Away!)" or one of its relatives.
Belden says that W. R. Penick, who pursued Quantrill, was eventually a Missouri brigadier. Based on Boatner's _Civil War Dictionary_, however, he did not attain that rank in Union service. Either he was a brigadier only by brevet (though even that is probably excluded by his absence from Phisterer's _Statistical Record of the Armies of the United States_), or he was only a state brigadier, with a lower national rank. Or he may have been a colonel who had command of a brigade without appropriate rank. - RBW
File: Beld353
===
NAME: Callino Casturame (Colleen Og a Store; Cailin O Chois tSiure; Happy 'Tis, Thou Blind, for Thee)
DESCRIPTION: Gaelic, verses telling the blind to be happy because they cannot be dazzled by the beauty of the girl he loves, apparently in vain
AUTHOR: English words by Douglas Hyde
EARLIEST_DATE: 1933 (title known to and music arranged by William Byrd, died 1623)
KEYWORDS: love beauty
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
SHenry H491, p. 225, "Happy 'Tis, Thou Blind, for Thee" (1 text, 1 tune -- the Hyde translation set to music by Sam Henry, with very unhappy results. The various components may be traditional; the result is not)
Chappell/Wooldridge I, pp. 84-85, "Calino Casturame, or Colleen Oge Astore" (1 text, 1  tune)
ADDITIONAL: Kathleen Hoagland, editor, One Thousand Years of Irish Poetry (New York, 1947), pp. 267-259, "Colleen Oge Asthore" (1 text)
NOTES: According to Hoagland, this is the tune used for "The Croppy Boy," though she doesn't say which "Croppy Boy" poem she means.
Hoagland also claims that Shakespeare refers to this in Henry V, act IV, scene iv (line 4, I believe, though she doesn't say so). I don't buy it, though. The text of the First Folio is corrupt here, and the claim rests on a conjectural emendation. Editors don't even agree on the emendation. It's hard to accept a claim of dependence based on a text that isn't even secure! - RBW
File: HHH491
===
NAME: Calliope (This House is Haunted)
DESCRIPTION: "This house is haunted, this house is haunted, It fairly makes my blood run cold."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Sandburg)
KEYWORDS: ghost supernatural nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Sandburg, p. 349, "Calliope" (1 short text, 1 tune)
File: San349
===
NAME: Calomel
DESCRIPTION: The singer describes how the doctor makes regular visits and with equal regularity prescribes Calomel. He comments, "I'm not so fond of Calomel," and asks, "How many patients have you lost? How many patients have you killed Or poisoned with your Calomel?"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1911 (Belden); Brewster's manuscript copy was dated 1832
KEYWORDS: doctor medicine humorous disease
FOUND_IN: US(MW,SE)
REFERENCES: (7 citations)
Belden, pp. 441-442, "Calomel" (1 text, 1 tune)
BrownIII 334, "Calomel" (1 text)
Hudson 91, p. 217, "Calomel" (1 text)
Brewster 69, "Calomel" (2 texts)
Spaeth-WeepMore, pp. 203-204, "Calomel" (1 text, 1 tune)
LPound-ABS, 54, pp. 126-127 "Calomel" (1 text)
DT, CALOMEL(*)
Roud #3770
NOTES: Calomel (Hg2Cl2, or Mercury (I) chloride) was one of the first tools in the physician's repertoire that actually did what it was supposed to do. Of course, given what it was used for (a purgative), it is questionable whether it was often needed. In addition, it contains mercury, which is poisonous. David L. Heiserman, _Exploring Chemical Elements and their Compounds_, TAB Books, 1992, p. 280, notes that it is now used as a fungicide and insecticide -- and yet it was used on (or, rather, in) human beings! - RBW
File: SWM203
===
NAME: Calton Weaver, The: see Nancy Whisky (File: K279)
===
NAME: Calvary
DESCRIPTION: Story of Jesus' crucifixion told from the point of view of one of his grieving followers. Jesus carries his cross to Calvary, where he is crucified, suffers, and dies without complaint. There is darkness over the earth, but Jesus is resurrected. 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1968 (recording, Dock Boggs)
KEYWORDS: grief execution punishment resurrection death dying Easter ordeal Bible religious supernatural clergy Jesus
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #12169
RECORDINGS:
Dock Boggs, "Calvary" (on Boggs3, BoggsCD1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Saw You My Savior?" (plot)
NOTES: This should not be confused with the Sacred Harp hymn of the same name. - PJS
Based on Paul's description, it would appear that this song generally follows the passion account of John rather than the other three gospels -- e.g. Jesus carries his own cross (John 19:17; compare Mark 15:21, etc., where Simon of Cyrene carries the cross) and makes no complaint (compare John 19:25-30 to, e.g., Mark 15:34). - RBW
File: RcCalva
===
NAME: Cambric Shirt, The: see The Elfin Knight [Child 2] (File: C002)
===
NAME: Camden Town
DESCRIPTION: Singer meets a pretty girl, asks her to sit by him (and proposes marriage; they make love); she refuses to marry a man who has led her astray, whereupon he pushes her into the river to drown (or she drowns herself, whereupon he is seized with remorse)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1962 (collected from William Hughes)
KEYWORDS: courting sex rejection seduction river violence murder death drowning suicide lover
FOUND_IN: Britain(England) Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
MacSeegTrav 76, "Camden Town" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Roud #564
RECORDINGS:
Mary Delaney, "In Charlestown There Lived a Lass" (on IRTravellers01)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Wexford Girl (The Oxford, Lexington, or Knoxville Girl; The Cruel Miller; etc.)" [Laws P35] (plot)
cf. "Down by Blackwaterside" (plot)
NOTES: This seems to be an amalgamation of "Down by Blackwaterside" and "The Wexford Girl," but as it shares few words with either song, and the denouement is quite different, I classify it separately. - PJS
Roud lumps it with "Pretty Little Miss" [Laws P18], and that, given its textual state, is possible. But, when in doubt, we split. - RBW
Mary Delaney's version on IRTravellers01 includes a verse from "The Silvery Tide"; specifically "Now as Willie, he went out walking, He went out to take fresh air, And he seen his own love Mary In the waves of the silvery tide." - BS
File: McCST076
===
NAME: Came Ye O'er Frae France
DESCRIPTION: Geordie [George I] is ridiculed. "Jocky's gane to France, And Montgomery's lady" to learn to dance. He'll return with "Sandy Don," "Cockolorum," "Bobbing John, And his Highland quorum" "How they'll skip and dance O'er the bum o' Geordie!" 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1819 (Hogg1)
KEYWORDS: nonballad political Jacobites royalty
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Hogg1 53, "Cam Ye O'er Frae France?" (1 text, 1 tune)
GreigDuncan1 120, "Cam Ye O'er From France?" (1 text)
DT, CAMFRANC*
Roud #5814
NOTES: Hogg1: "'Montgomery's lady' may have been the lady of Lord James Montgomery, who was engaged in a plot in 1695, and who, it is likely, would be connected with the Jacobites.  Neither can I tell who 'Sandy Don' and 'Cockolorum' are; but it is evident that by 'Bobbing John' is meant John. Earl of Mar, who must, at the time this song was made, have been raising the Highlanders." 
GreigDuncan1: "From a manuscript book owned by William Walker. "Jacobite Song, from an old chapbook - about 1796-8." - BS
The level of sarcasm in this song is obviously high. "Geordie Whelps" is George I -- a likely target for sarcasm even from his supporters, given that he was old, fat, ugly, and spoke no English. As for what the Jacobites thought, well, there are limits to what we can repeat....
"And his bonnie woman": There are wheels within wheels on this one. George I's wife, whom he married when he was still just the heir to the duchy of Hanover, was Sophia Dorothea of Luneburg (see Christopher Sinclair-Stevenson, _Blood Royal, the Illustrious House of Hannover_, Doubleday, 1980, p. 31). But George I grew tired of her after she bore him two children, and after being ignored long enough, she had an affair with one Count Philip Konigsmarck. It was discovered, Konigsmark was made to vanish, and George I was officially divorced from Sophia Dorothea. He also had her imprisoned for the rest of her life (Sinclair-Stevenson, pp. 39-44).
That left George I free to carry on with his mistresses, who were widely regarded as extremely ugly. Thackerey (quoted by Sinclair-Stevenson, p.26), describes them as follows: "The Duchess [Madame Schulenberg, made Duchess of Kendal by George] was tall, and lean of stature, and hence was irreverently nicknamed the Maypole. The Countess [Madame Kielmansegge, George's Countess of Darlington] wasa large-sized noblewoman, and this elevated personage was denominated the Elephant." Schulenberg also was nicknamed "the goose," and so George I came to England "riding on a goosie."
The nickname "Bobbing John" for the Earl of Mar was well-earned. The first Jacobite rebellion, such as it was, came in the aftermath of the 1707 passage of the Act of Union between England and Scotland. It wasn't so much a rebellion as a scream of protest, and naturally went nowhere, even though Louis XIV of France supported it. The Earl of Mar enthusiastically supported Queen Anne at this time (Sinclair-Stevenson, p. 50).
When George I showed up, though, Mar changed his tune and gathered many Highland chiefs to rebel (Sinclair-Stevenson, pp. 45-47). Hence the "Highland Quorum."
Ewan MacColl says that the "blade" who would "drive a trade at the loom o' Georgie" is the Count Koningsmark. This seems nearly certain: Count Philip Christopher von Konigsmarck (the spelling used by Sinclair-Stevenson, p. 27) had an affair with Sophia Dorothea, the wife of George I, in the early 1690s (Sinclair-Stevenson, pp. 36-39). George I was understandably miffed (though you can hardly blame the wife of such a creature for seeking something more nearly resembling a human being). Fortunately there was already a royal heir, the future George II. Konigsmark was made to disappear (Sinclair-Stevenson, pp. 40-41). George demanded and got a divorce from his wife, and, at 28, she was locked up (Sinclair-Stevenson, pp. 42-43). She would spend the remaining 32 years of her life under guard. George I's dynasty was not actually harmed (though there were a few Jacobite remarks that his children were not his), but it was certainly embarrassed.
The rumours of illegitimacy about George II, the son of George I, were almost certainly false; he was in many ways like George I, though not quite as bear-like. Indeed, he was far more like his father than his mother, since she was said to be quite pretty and gay -- two words that no one has ever applied to *any* Hannoverian that I can recall. - RBW
File: DT
===
NAME: Cameloun
DESCRIPTION: "It's Tarvis parish that I cam frae... To the Fyvie lands in the mornin'." The singer works at Cameloun, where they make him rise too early and feed him dreadful food. He lists the people he works with. If any ask about him, he says to say he is gone
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1905 (GreigDuncan3)
KEYWORDS: food hardtimes work farming
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Greig, "Folk-Song in Buchan," pp. 72-74, "Cameloun"; Greig #16, p. 2, "Cameloun" (2 texts, 1 tune) 
GreigDuncan3 389, "Cameloun" (6 texts, 4 tunes)
Ord, pp. 260-261, "Cameloun" (1 text)
Roud #5592
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Pitgair" (tune, per Greig)
NOTES: GreigDuncan3 has a map on p. xxxv, of "places mentioned in songs in volume 3" showing the song number as well as place name; Cameloun (389) is at coordinate (h4,v8) on that map [roughly 25 miles NNW of Aberdeen] - BS
File: Ord260
===
NAME: Cameronian Cat, The: see The Presbyterian Cat (The Cameronian Cat) (File: FVS319)
===
NAME: Camp at Hoover Lake, The
DESCRIPTION: "The first day of September we were all at hand For to go to the shanty at Sheehan's command." The crew leaves families to work at Hoover Lake. They live in a shanty built "like a nest of mudhens." The workers in the camp are described
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1962 (Fowke)
KEYWORDS: work logger lumbering moniker
FOUND_IN: Canada(Ont)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fowke-Lumbering #19, "The Camp at Hoover Lake" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #4373
NOTES: For melodic reasons, Fowke suggests that this is composite. It's hard to tell from the lyrics, which are typical of logger songs, but she's probably right. - RBW
File: FowL19
===
NAME: Camp on de Cheval Gris, De
DESCRIPTION: French-Canadian dialect song. Singer visits his abandoned lumber camp and reminisces. He recalls his friend Johnnie reading a letter over and over, and discovers it's a love-letter. He tells Johnnie he's never revealed the letter's secret.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1941 (Beck)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: French-Canadian dialect song. Singer visits his old lumber camp, now abandoned, and addresses this song to his old friend, Johnnie, reminiscing about the crew and the times they had. He recalls Johnnie reading a letter over and over, and one day finding the letter himself, reading it, and realizing it's a love-letter. He dreams they are back together, but awakens to find himself back in the old camp with his grandson. He tells Johnnie he's never revealed the letter's secret.
KEYWORDS: love return lumbering work logger moniker friend dream
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Beck 73, "De Camp on de Cheval Gris" (1 text)
Roud #8847
File: Be073
===
NAME: Camp on McNeal, The
DESCRIPTION: Times and names of the crew that worked one winter for A and R Loggie. While times don't seem very hard "some of the boys ... brought with them the flu"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1961 (Ives-NewBrunswick)
KEYWORDS: lumbering moniker logger disease
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ives-NewBrunswick, pp. 58-60, "The Camp on McNeal" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #1945
NOTES: Ives-NewBrunswick: "McNeal Brook flows through the wilderness between the Little Sevogle and the Little Southwest Miramichi Rivers....around 1920 Arthur and Stanley MacDonald put in a winter there in one of the camps of A & R Loggie Ltd of Loggieville." - BS 
File: IvNB158
===
NAME: Campaign of 1856, The
DESCRIPTION: "Old Benton had a daughter, Fair Jessie was her name, The Rocky Mountain ranger A-courting her he came." "Buck and Breck, neck and neck, A yoke of oxen true, Pulling to the Kansas log -- Gee, whoa, haw!"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1905 (Belden)
KEYWORDS: courting political
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Belden, p. 341, "The Campaign of 1856" (1 text of two stanzas, perhaps not from the same song)
Roud #7838
NOTES: Belden has no actual proof that this piece (pieces?) connects to the Campaign of 1856, let alone that it is a campaign song, but there is little doubt that it comes from that era. "Buck and Breck" are James Buchanan and his Vice President, John C. Breckinridge. The "Kansas Log" is the problem of "bleeding Kansas," a burning issue that neither president Pierce nor president Buchanan ever solved.
The first verse quoted by Belden is another matter. It might be unrelated to the 1856 campaign, although it clearly describes John C. Fremont (1813-1890), the Republican candidate of 1856 (the first Republican presidential candidate, in fact).
Fremont made his reputation as a western explorer; hence his common title "The Pathfinder" and the reference in the song to the "Rocky Mountain Ranger." Fremont married Jessie Benton (1824-1902), the daughter of Thomas Hart Benton (1782-1858).
Benton and Fremont had an interesting relationship: Benton didn't like the younger man sniffing after his daughter, so he managed to have Fremont explore the Des Moines river. But John and Jessie Fremont married secretly after his return in 1841. Benton then became a strong supporter of Fremont and helped arrange for other expeditions. - RBW
File: Beld341
===
NAME: Campanero, The
DESCRIPTION: The sailor complains about the conditions on the Campanero. "The skipper is a bulldozer... The mate he wants to fight." He finally concludes that getting married -- even getting married twice -- is better than serving on that ship
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1922 (Fragment in Frothingham, _Adventure_)
KEYWORDS: shanty sailor abuse humorous
FOUND_IN: US(MA)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Doerflinger, pp. 84-85, "The Campanero" (1 text, 1 tune)
Hugill, pp. 471-472, "The Handy Bandy Barque" (1 text, 1 tune) [AbEd, pp. 349-350]
ST Doe084 (Partial)
Roud #3094
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Campanayro
File: Doe084
===
NAME: Campbell the Drover: see Campbell the Rover (File: K269)
===
NAME: Campbell the Rover
DESCRIPTION: "The first day of April I'll never forget; (Three) English (lasses) together they met." They offer Campbell a spree in a pub, then leave him to pay the bill. He escapes by tricking the landlord and leaving him with his thumbs plugging a cask
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1951 (Creighton-Maritime)
KEYWORDS: drink trick party landlord
FOUND_IN: Ireland Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Kennedy 269, "Campbell the Rover" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-Maritime, pp. 126-127, "Three English Rovers" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-SNewBrunswick 68, "Campbell the Drover" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, DROVCAMP
Roud #881
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Irishtown Crew" (tune & meter)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Three English Blades
Three English Rovers
Campbell the Drover
File: K269
===
NAME: Campbell's Mill
DESCRIPTION: The singer wanders out and sees a pretty girl. He goes up to her and courts her. She refuses to give her name, and asks why he is talking to her. He offers to marry her and take her away from the mill. She refuses; she has a love and is no match for him
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1938 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: love courting beauty rejection
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
SHenry H762, p. 368, "Campbell's Mill" (1 text, 1 tune)
Leyden 10, "Campbell's Mill" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #6884
NOTES: Leyden: In 1830, Campbell's Mill "was the last building on the town side of Belfast and beyond was open countryside ...; it finally ceased trading as the Irish Flax Spinning Co Ltd in about 1920."
In Leyden's version, taken from SHenry H762, the maid "works in Campbell's Mill." Leyden comments that "It makes a welcome change in a traditional song that not only does the girl rebuff the advances of this 'fine well looking gentleman' for her lover's sake, but also because she has the security of a trade." - BS
File: HHH762
===
NAME: Campbells Are Coming, The
DESCRIPTION: "The Campbells are coming, o-ho, o-ho! (x2), The Campbells are coming from bonnie Loch Lomond...." Argyle leads the van; the pipes sound. The singer  expects them to win honor and success
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1748 ("A Choice Collection of 200 Favorite Country Dances")
KEYWORDS: Scotland soldier nonballad
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
GreigDuncan1 116, "The Campbells Are Comin'" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 281, "The Campbells Are Comin'" (1 text)
Fuld, pp. 157-158, "The Campbells Are Coming"
DT, (CAMPBLL* -- the Burns text)
GreigDuncan1 116, "The Campbells Are Comin'" (1 text, 1 tune)
ADDITIONAL: James Kinsley, editor, Burns: Complete Poems and Songs (shorter edition, Oxford, 1969) #314,, p. 432, "The Campbells are comin" (1 text, 1 tune, from 1790)
ST FSWB281B (Full)
Roud #5784
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Yankees Are Coming" (tune)
SAME_TUNE:
The Yankees Are Coming (File: Hud124)
The Camlachie Militia/The Russians are Coming (broadsides Murray, Mu23-y2:002, "The Camlachie Militia," ("The Russians are coming, oh dear, oh dear!"), Poet's Box (Glasgow), 1855; same broadside as NLScotland, L.C.Fol.70(49); [in broadside Murray, Mu23-y1:074, "The Russian in Glasgow," James Lindsay (Glasgow), 19C, this is given the tune "Joanne of Paris," but it's clearly this song; another Murray broadside, broadside Murray, Mu23-y1:075, "The Russians Are Coming," James Lindsay (Glasgow), probably c. 1855), does not appear to be the same piece]
NOTES: Various theories have been offered about the historical significance of this song, which was certainly in existence by 1745. One has it that it concerns the suppression of the 1715 Jacobite rebellion; another, that it is concerned with the events around Mary Stewart's deposition. These theories and others like them are, at best, possible.
Robert Burns rewrote the song for the Scots Musical Museum (#299), keeping chorus and one verse. - RBW
File: FSWB281B
===
NAME: Camphor Song, The
DESCRIPTION: "The old man went to the barn, To get some corn to fed some pigs." A pig is lying on the ground. The old man tries to revive it. The pig jumps on him. Sister Sal brings camphor to revive him. "He has never been to feed them hogs since."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (Henry, collected from Mrs. Samuel Harmon)
KEYWORDS: animal injury humorous farming
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
MHenry-Appalachians, pp. 7-8, "The Camphor Song" (1 text)
NOTES: Camphor -- C(10)H(16)O -- is the characteristic component of mothballs. It thus can be used both to revive a person (in small quantities) and to hurt animals (usually in larger doses). - RBW
File: MHAp007
===
NAME: Camping in the Bend: see Four Little Johnny Cakes (File: PFS276)
===
NAME: Camptown Races
DESCRIPTION: "De Camptown ladies sing dis song, Doo-da! Doo-da! De Camptown racetrack five miles long... Gwine to run all night! Gwine to run all day I'll bet my money on the bob-tail nag...." The singer describes the races and how he won a "pocket full of tin"
AUTHOR: Stephen C. Foster
EARLIEST_DATE: 1849
KEYWORDS: racing money nonballad horse
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (9 citations)
RJackson-19CPop, pp. 39-42, "Gwine to Run All Night or De Camptown Races" (1 text, 1 tune)
BrownIII 419, "Camptown Races" (1 fragment)
Spaeth-ReadWeep, pp. 41-42, "Camptown Races" (1 text, 1 tune, plus the parody "'Lincoln Hoss' and Stephen A.")
PSeeger-AFB, p. 40, "The Camptown Races" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 34, "Camptown Races" (1 text)
Saunders/Root-Foster 2, pp. 477-478+496, "Camptown Races Arranged for the Guitar" (1 text, 1 tune, probably not arranged by Foster)
Pankake-PHCFSB, p. 270, "Camptown Races" (1 text)
Fuld-WFM, pp. 158-159, "(De) Camptown Races--(Sacramento)"
DT, CAMPTWN*
ST RJ19039 (Full)
Roud #11768
RECORDINGS:
Kanawha Singers, "De Camptown Races" (Brunswick 337, 1929)
Pete Seeger, "Camptown Races" (on PeteSeeger24)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Lincoln Hoss and Stephen A." (tune)
NOTES: Spaeth (_A History of Popular Music in America_, p. 107) notes that a "folk-song" called "Hoodah Day" is very similar to this song, and speculates that it or "Sacramento" could have been the original of the Foster song. Fuld, however, notes that no verifiable printing of either piece predates the Foster song. - RBW
File: RJ19039
===
NAME: Can Cala Me: see Padstow May Day Song (File: K086)
===
NAME: Can I Sleep in Your Barn Tonight?
DESCRIPTION: The tramp asks to be allowed to spend the night in the barn, adding that he had no tobacco or matches. He explains how he used to live a settled life, but then a stranger came to town and made off with his wife and son. 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (recordings, Charlie Poole, George Reneau)
KEYWORDS: abandonment rambling poverty hobo request
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,SE,So) Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Randolph 841, "Can I Sleep in Your Barn Tonight?" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 502-504, "Can I Sleep in Your Barn Tonight?" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 841A)
BrownIII 356, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister?" (2 texts)
Rorrer, p. 70, "Can I Sleep in Your Barn Tonight Mister" (1 text)
Cambiaire, pp. 117-118, "May I Sleep In Your Barn To-Night, Mister" (1 text)
Leach-Labrador 93, "The Tramp" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #768
RECORDINGS:
Clarence Ashley & Tex Isley, "Can I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister?" (on Ashley01)
Gene Autry, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight Mister?" (Conqueror 7765, 1931)
Boone County Entertainers, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister" (Supertone 9182, 1928)
Jeff Calhoun [pseud. for Vernon Dalhart], "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister?" (Grey Gull 4118, 1927)
Kentucky Mountain Boys, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister?" (Supertone S-2027, 1930)
[Walter "Kid" Smith & the] Carolina Buddies, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight Mister" (Perfect 160, 1930)
Harry "Mac" McClintock, "Can I Sleep In Your Barn?" (Victor V-40264, 1930)
Frank McFarland & Robert Gardner, "May I Sleep in Your Barn Tonight" (Brunswick 203, 1928; Supertone S-2027, 1930; rec. 1927)
Charlie Poole and the North Carolina Ramblers, "Can I Sleep in Your Barn Tonight Mister" (Columbia 15038-D, 1925; on CPoole02)
Red Fox Chasers, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight Mister?" (Gennett 6547/Supertone 9182, 1928)
George Reneau, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister?" (Vocalion 15149, 1925)
James Roberts, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight Mister?" (Conqueror 7254 [as Joe Reeves], 1929; rec. 1928) (Banner 32205/Perfect 12726/Romeo 5074/Conqueror 7765 [as Joe Reeves], 1931)
Ernest V. Stoneman and Fiddler Joe [Samuels], "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight Mister?" (Okeh 45059, 1926); Ernest V. Stoneman, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight Mister?" (Challenge 153/Challenge 312/Gennett 3368/Herwin 75530, 1926)
Tennessee Mountaineers [Charlie Poole?] "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister" (Broadway 8146, rec. 1929)
Jim Whalen, "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister?" (Champion 15545, 1928)
Kid Williams & Bill Morgan [pseuds. for Walter Smith & Lewis McDaniel], "May I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight Mister?" (Perfect 160, 1931)
Marc Williams, "Can I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister" (OKeh 45467, 1930)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Tramp's Story" (plot)
cf. "The Lehigh Valley" (plot)
cf. "The Deserted Husband" (theme)
cf. "Red River Valley" (tune)
SAME_TUNE:
Let Me Sleep in Your Tent Tonight, Beal (Greenway-AFP, pp.137-138; fragment, perhaps from Greenway, in Burt, p. 187; the song is said to have been written by Odel Corley when he was 11 years old. For Manville Jenckes, the villain of the song, see the notes on "Chief Aderholt")
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Honest Tramp
Can I Sleep In Your Barn Tonight, Mister?
NOTES: Carson J. Robison credits this to E. V. Body, but "Body" gets credit for too many things for the attribution to amount to much. - RBW
File: R841
===
NAME: Can of Grog, The
DESCRIPTION: "When up the shrouds the sailor goes And ventures on the yard, The landsman who no better knows Believes his lot is hard." The sailor describes his hard life, but notes the comfort the sailors take in grog
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1776 (Journal from the Ann)
KEYWORDS: sailor hardtimes drink
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Huntington-Whalemen, pp. 73-74, "The Can of Grog" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2023
File: SWMS073
===
NAME: Can of Spring Water, The
DESCRIPTION: Singer meets a lass on her way to a well. He asks her parents' name. She rejects his advance but he seduces her. Subsequently she marries someone else but has a baby to go with her to the well.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1900 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 19(64))
KEYWORDS: seduction sex marriage children
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #5215
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 19(64), "The Can of Spring Water" ("One evening in May as I carelessly strayed"), J.F. Nugent & Co. (Dublin), 1850-1899; also 2806 c.15(35)[barely legible], "The Can of Spring Water"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Well of Spring Water" (form)
NOTES: Broadside Bodleian Harding B 19(64) is the basis for the description. - BS
File: BdCaSpWa
===
NAME: Can the Circle Be Unbroken?: see Will the Circle Be Unbroken (File: R635)
===
NAME: Can Ye Sew Cushions
DESCRIPTION: "O can ye sew cushions, And can ye sew sheets, Can you sing ba-loo-loo When the bairn greets?" "And hee and baw, birdie, and he and baw, lamb... My bonnie wee lamb." (The singer talks of the child's future life.)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1803 (Scots Musical Museum)
KEYWORDS: nonballad baby
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Montgomerie-ScottishNR 135, "(O can you sew cushions)" (1 text)
DT, SEWCUSHN* CUSHION2
Roud #5527
NOTES: Insignificant as this item sounds, it's had some pretty big names associated with it; both Burns and Lady Nairne are said to have worked on it. Murray Shoolbraid's Digital Tradition notes give information on a putative Gaelic source; I have not been able to check this. - RBW
File: MSNR135
===
NAME: Can You Rokker Romany?
DESCRIPTION: "If you jump up on my barrow, I'll take you for a ride. And maybe in the springtime you can be my bride." Can you speak Romany, play the fiddle, eat prison food, cut the wood, break a horse, sleep with a girl and make someone not Romany?
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1864 (Wandsworth, according to Coughlan)
KEYWORDS: sex fiddle food nonballad
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(South))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
ADDITIONAL: Tim Coughlan, Now Shoon the Romano Gillie, (Cardiff,2001), #15, p. 214, "Can You Rokra Romany?" [from Wandsworth]
RECORDINGS:
Peter Ingram, "Can You Rokker Romany?" (on Voice11)
NOTES: The text in Voice11 translates the Romany words into English (for example, "rokker" is translated as "speak"). The description relies on that translation. - BS
Coughlan #15 is a single verse corresponding to Ingram's second verse. For a more general discussion see Coughlan, #15-22, pp. 214-225. Coughlan #15 is the earliest of these citations. - BS
File: RcCYRRom
===
NAME: Can'cha Line 'Em
DESCRIPTION: Work song/shout, with chorus, "Ho, boys, can'cha line em? (x3) See Eloise go linin' track." Many of verses are on religious themes ("If I could I surely would Stand on the rock where Moses stood"; "Mary, Marthy, Luke, and John, all... dead and gone")
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1933 (recording, Allen Prothero)
KEYWORDS: railroading work religious worksong
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,So)
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Lomax-FSUSA 78, "Can'cha Line 'Em" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 14-17, "Tie-Shuffling Chant" (1 text with extra verses, 1 tune)
Cohen-LSRail, p. 646, "Track Linin'" (1 text)
Botkin-RailFolklr, p. 446, "Track Lining Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
Courlander-NFM, p. 97, (no title, but compare "The Captain Can't Read" on the previous page) (1 text)
Darling-NAS, p. 328, "Jack the Rabbit" (1 text)
Roud #10070
RECORDINGS:
Henry Hankins, "Lining Track" (AFS 2946 A1, 1939; on LC61)
Allen Prothero, "Track-Lining Song" (AFS 179 A1; on LC8)
T. C. I. Section Crew, "Track Linin'" (Paramount 12478, 1927)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Oh, Mary, Don't You Weep" (floating verses)
NOTES: Since this is one of those wonderful songs that is "adapted and arranged" (usual translation: "completely fouled up") by the Lomaxes, I can't tell if it comes from the same roots as "Can't You Line It?" There are almost no similarities beyond the titles, but that doesn't mean much. - RBW
Looking at the lyrics of the Prothero field recording, they seem to have almost nothing in common with, "Can't You Line It?" as summarized in the latter's description. I'd guess the songs are, at best, distantly related.  - PJS
The Darling "Jack the Rabbit" text looks rather different (indeed, the feeling is almost closer to "Grizzely Bear") -- but it has a line similar to this one, so I'm sticking it here for now, more in desperation than anything else.
Cohen's "Track Linin'" song also has the "Jack the rabbit" line, so it files here on hte same basis.
According to Cohen, this is one of only two railroad worksongs released on a commercial 78 (the other being "Section Gang Song"). He thinks they may be the earliest worksong recordings of any sort. - RBW
File: LxU078
===
NAME: Can't Cross Jordan
DESCRIPTION: Can't cross Jordan and you can't go around," with chorus "They've taken my Lord away, away... Oh, tell me where they've laid him." Also floating verses: "What kind of shoes does a Christian wear?" "As I went down in the valley to pray." Etc.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1922 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad floatingverses Jesus
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 558, "Can't Cross Jordan" (1 text plus a fragment)
Roud #11879
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Christ Was Born in Bethlehem" (floating verses)
cf. "Down in the Valley to Pray" (floating verses)
cf. "What Kind of Crowns Do the Angels Wear?" (floating verses)
NOTES: From the looks of this, the Brown text has swallowed up lyrics from almost everywhere. The chorus, "They've taken my Lord away, Tell me where they've laid him" is an allusion to John 20:13, 15.
The reference to Ezekiel walking into heaven defeats me; while Ezekiel probably holds the record for strange visions, there is no report of him going directly to heaven; that description fits only Enoch (Gen. 5:24), Elijah (2 Kings 2:11), and Jesus himself (Acts 1:9).
The rest of the song -- about 75% of the whole, in the Brown text -- is floating material. Some of it is fairly characteristic of particular songs (see the cross-references), but much is too generic even to classify. - RBW
File: Br3558
===
NAME: Can't Help But Wonder: see I Can't Help But Wonder Where I'm Bound" (File: FSWB052)
===
NAME: Can't Help But Wonder Where I'm Bound: see I Can't Help But Wonder Where I'm Bound" (File: FSWB052)
===
NAME: Can't They Dance the Polka: see Can't You Dance the Polka (New York Girls) (File: Doe058)
===
NAME: Can't Ye Hilo?
DESCRIPTION: Shanty. "Young gals, good gals, bad gals, O! Cho: Young girls can't ye Hilo? I will take 'em all in tow, Cho: Young girls can't ye Hilo?" Other verses have rhymes about dancing and women in general.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1917 (Robinson in _The Bellman_)
KEYWORDS: shanty dancing
FOUND_IN: West Indies
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Hugill, p. 265, "Can't Ye Hilo?" (1 text, 1 tune) [AbEd, pp. 194-195]
ADDITIONAL: Captain John Robinson, "Songs of the Chantey Man," a series published July-August 1917 in the periodical _The Bellman_ (Minneapolis, MN, 1906-1919). "Young Girls, Can't You Hilo? is in Part 3, 7/28/1917.
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Jean Francois de Nantes
NOTES: The word "hilo" in this case seems to refer to some sort of dance or jamboree. - SL
File: Hug265
===
NAME: Can't You Dance the Polka (New York Girls)
DESCRIPTION: The sailor meets a girl, who offers to take him home to her "family." He sits down to dinner, is drugged, and goes to bed with the girl. In the morning he awakens to find himself naked and without his money. He is forced to go to a boarding master
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1882
KEYWORDS: sailor whore robbery drink drugs shanghaiing
FOUND_IN: US(MA)
REFERENCES: (7 citations)
Doerflinger, pp. 58-60, "Can't They Dance the Polka!" (1 text, 1 tune)
Colcord, pp. 108-109, "Can't You Dance the Polka?" (1 text, 1 tune)
Harlow, pp. 37-38, "Can't You Dance the Polka?" "Santy" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Hugill, pp. 369-376, "Away Susanna!" "Can't Ye Dance the Polka?" "The New York Girls" (4 texts, 4 tunes -- also includes a fragment from the Swedish shanty book _Sang under Segal_ titled "Seafarers", the words being the same as Hugill's first version of "Can't You Dance the Polka")
Silber-FSWB, p. 87, "Can't You Dance the Polka" (1 text, which appears truncated, with an ending in which the girl puts off the man by saying she has a husband)
DT, NYGIRLS* (NYGIRLS2? -- this looks like a modern parody; compare Silber's version)
ADDITIONAL: Captain John Robinson, "Songs of the Chantey Man," a series published July-August 1917 in the periodical _The Bellman_ (Minneapolis, MN, 1906-1919). Robinson called his version (in Part 1, 7/14/1917) "Oh My Santi"; the verse has with words very similar to "My Irish Jaunting Car" though the meter, tune, and chorus are from this song.
Roud #486
RECORDINGS:
Bob Roberts w. Peter Kennedy, "Can't You Dance the Polka?" (on LastDays)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Gold Watch" [Laws K41] (plot) and references there
NOTES: The Martin Churchill mentioned in the last verse of some versions was a boarding master of the mid-Nineteenth century. (For background on boarding masters, see the notes to "Dixie Brown" [Laws D7]). - RBW
File: Doe058
===
NAME: Can't You Line It?
DESCRIPTION: "When I get to Illinois, I'm gonna spread the word about the Florida boys. Shove it over! Hey, hey, can't you line it?...." The singer complains about hard times and high prices, and describes the conditions in which he works
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1935 (Hurston, Mules and Men)
KEYWORDS: work hardtimes railroading
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Lomax-FSNA 293, "Can't You Line It?" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-SoFolklr, p. 746, "Can't You Line It?" (1 text, 1 tune)
ADDITIONAL: Zora Neale Hurston, _Mules and Men_ (New York,1990 (paperback edition of 1935 original)), pp. 264-266, "Can't You Line It?" (with tune)
Roud #10070
File: LoF293
===
NAME: Canada I O: see Canaday-I-O/Michigan-I-O/Colley's Run I-O [Laws C17] (File: LC17)
===
NAME: Canada-I-O: see Canaday-I-O/Michigan-I-O/Colley's Run I-O [Laws C17] (File: LC17)
===
NAME: Canada-I-O (The Wearing of the Blue; Caledonia)
DESCRIPTION: When her love goes to sea, a lady dresses as a sailor and joins (his or another's) ship's crew. When she is discovered, (the crew/her lover) determine to drown her. The captain saves her; they marry
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1839 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 11(1982))
KEYWORDS: love separation betrayal disguise cross-dressing sailor rescue reprieve marriage
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf) Ireland Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (8 citations)
SHenry H162, pp. 333-334, "Canada[,] Hi! Ho!" (1 text, 1 tune)
Greig #77, pp. 1-2, "Caledonia" (1 text) 
GreigDuncan2 227, "Pretty Caledonia" (11 texts [including 3 verses on p. 537], 8 tunes)
Ord, pp. 117-118, "Caledonia" (1 text)
Leach-Labrador 90, "Canadee-I-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Karpeles-Newfoundland 48, "Wearing of the Blue" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-SNewBrunswick 109, "She Bargained with a Captain" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
DT, CANADIO3* CALEDONIA*
Roud #309 and 5543
RECORDINGS:
Robert Cinnamond, "Canadie-I-O" (on IRRCinnamond03)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 11(1982), "Kennady I-o," J. Catnach (London), 1813-1838; also Firth c.12(329), Harding B 11(2039), "Lady's Trip to Kennedy"; Harding B 25(1045), "The Lady's Trip to Kennady"; Firth c.12(330), "Canada Heigho"; Firth c.13(240), Firth c.12(331), Harding B 11(2920), 2806 c.16(72), "Canada I, O"
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Canada Heigho!!
Kennady I-o
Lady's Trip to Kennady
The Isles of Daniel
NOTES: Based on similarity of title, some connect this song with "Canaday-I-O, Michigan-I-O, Colley's Run I-O" [Laws C17]. There is no connection in plot, however, and any common lyrics are probably the result of cross-fertilization. (Leach-Labrador has a report that "Canaday-I-O" was written in 1854 by Ephraim Braley using this song as a pattern.)
The Scottish song "Caledonia" is quite different in detail -- so much so that I'm tempted to separate it from the "Canada-I-O" texts (Roud, surprisingly, does split it; "Canaday-I-O" is his #309; "Caledonia" is #5543). But the plot is too close to allow us to distinguish.
There is a curious anachronism in most of the "Canada-I-O" texts, in that the girl concludes by saying something like "You see the honor that I have gained By the wearing of the blue." However, the British navy did not adopt a uniform for ordinary sailors until 1857 -- this being, of course, the familiar blue serge and white duck (see Arthur Herman, _To Rule the Waves_, p. 455). This being after the date of the earliest broadsides, it presumably is an intrusive element. - RBW
I don't believe anyone else has said that Creighton-SNewBrunswick fragment belongs here (it is Roud #2782). Here is all of Creighton-SNewBrunswick: "She bargained with a captain Her passage to go free, That she might be his comrade To cross the raging sea"
The usual arrangement in Canada-I-O is "She bargained with a sailor [or the sailors], All for a purse of gold." However, broadside Bodleian Firth c.12(330) has the following wording:
[...]
She was courted by a sailor
Twas true she loved him dear,
And how to get to sea with him
The way she did not know.
[...]
She bargained with a captain
All for a purse of gold
And soon they did convey the lady
Down into the hold.
[...]
The plot continues as usual, with the captain coming to her rescue. - BS
File: HHH162
===
NAME: Canada, Hi! Ho!: see Canada-I-O (The Wearing of the Blue; Caledonia) (File: HHH162)
===
NAME: Canaday I-O: see Canaday-I-O/Michigan-I-O/Colley's Run I-O [Laws C17] (File: LC17)
===
NAME: Canaday-I-O, Michigan-I-O, Colley's Run I-O [Laws C17]
DESCRIPTION: A group of lumbermen suffers a winter or cold and poor conditions. When winter ends, they joyfully return to their homes
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1924
KEYWORDS: logger work separation lumbering
FOUND_IN: US(MA,MW,NE) Canada(Ont)
REFERENCES: (15 citations)
Laws C17a, "Canaday I-O"; C17b, "Michigan I-O"; C17c, "Colley's Run I-O (The Jolly Lumbermen)"
Rickaby 8, "Michigan-I-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Gardner/Chickering 105, "Michigan--I-O" (1 text plus mention of 2 more, 1 tune)
Fowke-Lumbering #2 , "Michigan-I-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Linscott, pp. 181-183, "Canaday-I-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Leach, pp. 773-775, "Canaday I. O. (The Buffalo Skinners)" (2 texts, but only the second goes with this piece; the other belongs with "The Buffalo Skinners" [Laws B10a])
Friedman, p. 415, "Canaday-I-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fowke/Johnston, pp. 68-69, "Canaday-I-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Thorp/Fife XV, pp. 195-218 (31-33), "Buffalo Range" (6 texts, 2 tunes, though the "B" text is "Boggy Creek," C and D appear unrelated, and E is "Canada-I-O")
Lomax-FSNA 57, "Canada-I-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-NEFolklr, pp. 569-570, "Canada I O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Beck 1, "Michigan-I-O" (2 texts); 2, "Coolie's Run-I-O" (1 text)
Darling-NAS, pp. 179-181, "Canaday I-O" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 104, "Canada-I-O" (1 text)
DT 377, CANADIO* CANADI2 CANADIO2 CANADIO
Roud #640
RECORDINGS:
L. Parker Temple, "Colley's Run I-O" (AFS, 1940s; on LC28)
Lester Wells, "Michigan I-O" (AFS, 1938; on LC56)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Buffalo Skinners" (Laws B10a)
cf. "Boggy Creek or The Hills of Mexico" [Laws B10b]
cf. "Shanty Teamster's Marseillaise"
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Jolly Lumbermen
NOTES: The text known as "Canaday-I-O" is credited by Fowke and by Eckstorm to one Ephraim Braley, who worked in the Canadian woods in 1853. Leach, in his notes to his #109, "Canadee-I-O," states that he based his song on the piece we have indexed as "Canada-I-O (The Wearing of the Blue; Caledonia)"-- though that song too appears to have been quite new at the time. Alan Lomax apparently accepts this interpretation, but also mentions the Scots song "Caledoni-o," which is also mentioned by Leach.
Probably the whole complex deserves a more thorough examination than it has gotten. - RBW
File: LC17
===
NAME: Canadee-I-O: see Canada-I-O (The Wearing of the Blue; Caledonia) (File: HHH162)
===
NAME: Canadian Boat Song, A
DESCRIPTION: "Faintly as tolls the evening chime, Our voices keep tune and our oars keep time.... Soon as the woods on shore look dim, We'll sing at St. Anne's our parting hymn." An encouragement to and prayer for good rowing when there is no wind
AUTHOR: Thomas Moore
EARLIEST_DATE: c. 1804
KEYWORDS: river nonballad
FOUND_IN: Canada
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Fowke/Johnston, pp. 60-61, "A Canadian Boat Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
ADDITIONAL: Charles W. Eliot, editor, English Poetry Vol II From Collins to Fitzgerald (New York, 1910), #489, p. 819, "A Canadian Boat-Song" (by Thomas Moore)
ST FJ060 (Partial)
Roud #13847
NOTES: Moore's poem is sung to a French folk tune, "Dans mon chemin j'ai rencontre," but the result does not qualify as a voyageur piece and does not seem to have circulated extensively in oral tradition. (Granger's Index to Poetry cites three anthologies, but none of them folk-influenced.)
Moore wrote it after a visit to Canada during which he sailed from Kingston to Montreal. The winds on this trip were so poor that the sailors were obliged to row the whole way; hence the poem. - RBW
File: FJ060
===
NAME: Canaller's Lament, The
DESCRIPTION: "I shipped aboard a fat old tub, Two mules were on the tow, She hauled the length of the Erie Canal." "The name she bore was Prickly Heat, The captain's name was 'Scratch.'" The singer describes the crew of the canaller, often in racist terms
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1952 (collected from Robert Collen by Walton)
KEYWORDS: ship travel moniker
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Walton/Grimm/Murdock, pp. 168-169, "The Canaller's Lament" (1 text)
NOTES: I tagged this as a moniker song, even though few names are actually named; the singer describes the crewmen; it seems that he just didn't bother to learn their names.
Walton did not indicate a tune, but several of the verses are reminiscent of "True-Born Irish Man (With My Swag All on My Shoulder; The True-Born Native Man)"; I suspect that was the melody used. - RBW
File: WGM168
===
NAME: Candlelight Fisherman, The
DESCRIPTION: Singer, a fisherman, tells how his father taught him to test the wind at night by sticking a candle lantern outside: "Open the pane and pop out the flame/To see how the wind do blow". He tells how he does it, and advises listeners to do the same
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1952 (recorded from Phil Hammond)
KEYWORDS: fishing technology work humorous nonballad father wife worker
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(South))
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Kennedy 219, "The Candlelight Fisherman" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CANDLEBLO*
Roud #1852
RECORDINGS:
Phil Hammond, "The Candlelight Fisherman" (on FSB3)
Bob Roberts, "The Candlelight Fisherman" (on BRoberts01, HiddenE)
NOTES: The joke is that while one is testing the wind with the lantern, its light attracts fish. Doing this, of course, is against the law. - PJS
Kennedy adds another joke along the lines of the "Arkansas Traveller": If the wind blows out the candle, it's blowing too hard to go out; if the wind doesn't blow out the candle, there isn't enough wind to sail. - RBW
File: K219
===
NAME: Candy Man
DESCRIPTION: Blues, often bawdy, about the exploits of the Candy Man. The candy man's candy almost certainly gets its possessors in trouble, but many still seek it.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (recording, Mississippi John Hurt)
KEYWORDS: nonballad bawdy floatingverses
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Darling-NAS, p. 298, "Candy Man Blues" (1 text)
DT, SALTYDOG
RECORDINGS:
Mississippi John Hurt "Candy Man Blues" (OKeh 8654, 1929 [rec. 1928]; on MJHurt01, MJHurt02) (on MJHurt03)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Salty Dog" (assorted references)
NOTES:  Neither text nor melody of this is fixed; it may not be one song (but with blues, who can really tell?). - RBW
File: DarNS298
===
NAME: Candy Man Blues: see Candy Man (File: DarNS298)
===
NAME: Cane Creek Massacre, The
DESCRIPTION: "The boys have lived in peace upon the farm, A mother's care had shielded them from harm...." "So was their mother shot by cowardly hand.... Their youthful blood was on the hearthstone spilled." The (Mormon) singer blames the Christians
AUTHOR: James H. Hart
EARLIEST_DATE: 1958 (Burt)
KEYWORDS: murder mother children
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Burt, pp. 113-114, "The Cane Creek Massacre" (1 partial text)
File: Burt113
===
NAME: Cane-Cutter's Lament, The
DESCRIPTION: "How we suffered grief and pain Up in Queensland, cutting cane." The singer describes the hard working conditions and the bad boss. He is particularly upset with the food and the Chinese cook. He vows never again to cut cane in Queensland
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: work cook Australia
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fahey-Eureka, pp. 202-203, "The Cane-Cutter's Lament" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: FaE202
===
NAME: Cannily, Cannily
DESCRIPTION: "Cannily, cannily, bonnie wee bairnikie, Don't you cry now, my little pet. Hush-a-bye, now, your daddy is sleeping; It's no time tae wauken him yet." Daddy needs his sleep, as soon he will go driving his engine. In time, the child will have its own engine
AUTHOR: Ewan MacColl
EARLIEST_DATE: 1954 (MacColl-Shuttle)
KEYWORDS: lullaby work
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
MacColl-Shuttle, p. 22, "Cannily, Cannily" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 410, "Cannily, Cannily" (1 text)
DT, CANNLY*
File: FSWB410A
===
NAME: Cannon Ball, The: see The Cannonball (File: CSW116)
===
NAME: Cannonball Blues: see The Cannonball (File: CSW116)
===
NAME: Cannonball, The
DESCRIPTION: Floating verses; singer says he will catch the train called the Cannonball (from Buffalo to Washington), his girl left him, and he's leaving her. More or less.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1930 (Lesley Riddle; recorded by the Carter Family)
KEYWORDS: love farewell rambling train travel abandonment floatingverses lover
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Cohen-LSRail, pp. 413-425, "Cannonball Blues/Whitehouse Blues" (2 texts, 2 tunes, the first being "Mister McKinley (White House Blues)" and the second the "Cannonball Blues," plus a version of a song called "Mr. McKinley" from _The Week-End Book_, which is so different that I would regard it as a separate though perhaps related song, probably not traditional)
Cohen/Seeger/Wood, pp. 116-117, "The Cannonball" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-RailFolklr, p. 463, "Cannonball Blues" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, (CANONBL3 adapted by Bruce Phillips?)
Roud #4759
RECORDINGS:
The Carter Family, "The Cannon Ball" (Victor V-40317/Bluebird 6020/Montgomery Ward 4742, 1930)
Kilby Snow, "The Cannonball" (on KSnow1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Mister McKinley (White House Blues)" (words, tune)
cf. "Joking Henry" (tune)
cf. "That Lonesome Train Took My Baby Away" (floating verses)
File: CSW116
===
NAME: Canny Newcassel: see Canny Newcastle (File: StoR043)
===
NAME: Canny Newcastle
DESCRIPTION: "'Bout Lunnon aw'd heard sec wonderful spokes, That the streets were a' covered wi' guineas." The singer describes the sights in London, mentions seeing King George, recalls being robbed, and declares he likes his home better
AUTHOR: Thomas Thompson
EARLIEST_DATE: 1900 (Stokoe/Reay); Thompson died 1816
KEYWORDS: travel home humorous
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(North))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Stokoe/Reay, pp.  43-45, "Canny Newcassel"  (1 text, 1 tune)
ST StoR043 (Partial)
Roud #3060
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Mountains of Mourne" (plot)
NOTES: Stokoe/Reay calls this song by two different names: The first page labels it "Canny Newcastle" at the head; the name at the top of the complete text is "Canny Newcassel," in the chorus the town is spelled "Newcassel," and the end notes file it as "Canny Newcassel." - RBW
File: StoR043
===
NAME: Canso Strait
DESCRIPTION: The crew is finishing a quiet voyage when a gale blows up. The drunken captain decides to take advantage of the storm by getting up the best speed possible. The alarmed sailors at last mutiny to get things back in control
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (Creighton-NovaScotia)
KEYWORDS: sailor ship drink storm rebellion
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar,Newf)
REFERENCES: (8 citations)
Doerflinger, pp. 183-184, "Canso Strait" (1 text, 1 tune)
Peacock, pp. 871-872, "The Drunken Captain" (1 text, 1 tune)
Leach-Labrador 40, "The Drunken Captain" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lehr/Best 31, "The Drunken Captain" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-NovaScotia 107, "Canso Strait" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-Maritime, p. 194, "In Canso Strait" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ives-DullCare, pp. 170-171,244-245, "The Drunken Captain" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CNSOSTRT*
Roud #1815
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Drunken Captain (I)" (subject)
NOTES: This song, erroneously titled "Casno Strait,"  is item dD52 in Laws's Appendix II.
Manny and Wilson, in their notes on "The Cedar Grove" [Laws D18] note that Canso Straight "was between Nova Scotia and the Island of Cape Breton. Now, by the magic of modern engineering, there is no straight, but a causeway has been built to connect the island and the mainland." - RBW
File: Doe183
===
NAME: Cant-Hook and Wedges: see Wrap Me Up in my Tarpaulin Jacket (File: FR439)
===
NAME: Cantie Carlie, The
DESCRIPTION: James, a widower, is tired of lying alone. He courts Bell Grant, young enough to be his granddaughter, and she agrees to marry. A storm delays the bride's trip from Aberdeen. Finally they reach the church and are married. "And ten months brings a son"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1908 (GreigDuncan3)
KEYWORDS: age courting sex wedding travel storm humorous baby
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Greig 16, p. 3, "The Cantie Carlie"; Greig 174, pp. 1-2, "The Cantie Carlie" (2 texts)
GreigDuncan3 618, GreigDuncan8 Addenda, "The Cantie Carlie" (6 texts, 4 tunes)
Roud #6055
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Wanton Carlie
NOTES: The wedding has "December linked to June." When Bell finally arrives "tho' he was near four score Lap like a spainin' lamb." When the parson is delayed he would take Bell to bed, but she refuses -- and threatens to call the whole thing off -- until the bride's maid proposes that the three of them sleep together for warmth with her as chaperon. The last verse concludes "Fair fa' the Cantie Carlie, The bride she lov'd him dearlie; May they get babies yearlie, -- I ha'e nae mair to say." 
GreigDuncan3 has a map on p. xxxv, of "places mentioned in songs in volume 3" showing the song number as well as place name; Auchronie (618) is at coordinate (h1,v8) on that map [roughly 9 miles W of Aberdeen]. - BS
File: GrD3618
===
NAME: Canuck's Lament
DESCRIPTION: "When you're sitting around in a dirty old shack, You can't keep your mind from wanderin' back To the happy old days... When we hunted all day and gambled all night." The poet describes the life he used to lead, and the quarrels he used to have
AUTHOR: J. K Trout
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: cowboy recitation
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ohrlin-HBT 92, "Canuck's Lament" (1 text)
File: Ohr092
===
NAME: Cap Stone, The
DESCRIPTION: "Have you heard the revelation Of this latter dispensation...." The poet tells how the Saints are persecuted in Illinois and Missouri, and describes how they will work "till we make Nauvoo as Eden"
AUTHOR: W. W. Phelps
EARLIEST_DATE: 1845 (Times and Seasons)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad abuse
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1830 - Joseph Smith founds the Latter-Day Saints
1831 - The Saints settle in Kirtland, Ohio. Later in the year, Smith chooses Independence, Missouri as the Holy City
1840 - The Saints found their town of Nauvoo, Illinois
1844 - Smith is killed by a mob at Nauvoo, to be succeeded by Brigham Young
1846 - Many Mormons leave Nauvoo for Council Bluffs, Iowa
1847 - Brigham Young leads the Mormon vanguard to Great Salt Lake
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Belden, p. 457, "The Cap Stone" (1 text)
Roud #7835
File: Beld457
===
NAME: Cap'n Paul
DESCRIPTION: Captain Paul and the seven men of the Big Mariner set out from Kennebunk(port) for the West Indies. The ship foundered in a gale; the six crewmen were drowned and only Captain Paul was saved
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1941 (Flanders/Olney)
KEYWORDS: sea storm wreck drowning death
FOUND_IN: US(NE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Flanders/Olney, pp. 241-242, "Cap'n Paul" (1 text)
ST FO241 (Partial)
Roud #4685
NOTES: Charles L. Cooke, who gave this song to Helen Flanders, said it was about his great-grandfather, Jeremiah Paul. - RBW
File: FO241
===
NAME: Cap'n, I Believe
DESCRIPTION: "Cap'n, I believe, Cap'n, I believe, Cap'n, I believe, believe, believe I'll die. (Spoken): Oh, no, you ain't gonna die. Come on with that motah."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Sandburg)
KEYWORDS: railroading death nonballad
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Sandburg, p. 363, "Cap'n, I Believe" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
File: San363
===
NAME: Cape Ann: see Three Jolly Huntsmen (File: R077)
===
NAME: Cape Breton Murder
DESCRIPTION:  In Cow Bay on December 8, 1874 "this young man was led like a sheep to slaughter ... He was wilfully murdered"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1951 (Creighton-Maritime)
KEYWORDS: murder
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Creighton-Maritime, p. 191, "Cape Breton Murder" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2717
NOTES: Creighton-Maritime: The singer "said this happened during a riot." - BS
File: CrMa191
===
NAME: Cape Cod Girls
DESCRIPTION: "Cape Cod Girls they have no combs, Heave away, heave away! They comb their hair with codfish bones...." "Heave away and don't you make a noise, For we're bound for Australia." Sundry lyrics on the oddities of Cape Cod girls
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (Creighton-NovaScotia)
KEYWORDS: shanty sailor separation nonballad talltale
FOUND_IN: US(NE) Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (10 citations)
Colcord, p. 91, "The Codfish Shanty" (1 text, 1 tune)
Hugill, 196, "South Australia" (1 text, 1 tune) [AbEd, pp. 152-153]
Creighton-NovaScotia 120, "Hanstead Boys" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSNA 23, "Cape Cod Girls" (1 text, 1 tune)
Shay-SeaSongs, p. 84, "Cape Cod Girls" (1 text)
Botkin-NEFolklr, pp. 561-562, "Cape Cod Shanty" (1 text, 1 tune)
Pankake-PHCFSB, pp. 244-245, "Cape Cod Girls" (1 text, tune referenced)
Darling-NAS, pp. 316-317, "Cape Cod Girls" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 96, "Cape Cod Girls" (1 text)
DT, CAPCODGL
Roud #325
RECORDINGS:
Charity Bailey, "Cape Cod Girls" (on GrowOn2)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "South Australia (I)"
cf. "Round the Bay of Mexico" (lyrics)
NOTES: There is no true dividing line between this song and "South Australia"; they merge into each other. However, the difference in local colour and focus is enough that they should be separated. Some versions of "South Australia" even have a rudimentary plot, and the tune can be somewhat different. The problem is classifying the intermediate versions.... - RBW
File: LoF023
===
NAME: Cape Cod Shanty: see Cape Cod Girls (File: LoF023)
===
NAME: Cape St Mary's: see Western Boat (Let Me Fish Off Cape St Mary's) (File: Doyl3039)
===
NAME: Capital Ship, A
DESCRIPTION: Parody of fo'c'sle song; describes miserable conditions on the "Walloping Window Blind," including descriptions of the officers. They are stranded for a time on the "Gulliby Isles"; they commandeer a Chinese junk and escape, leaving its crew on the island
AUTHOR: Charles Edward Carryl?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1959 (Untermeyer, _The Golden Treasury of Poetry_)
KEYWORDS: ship wreck humorous parody sailor moniker nonsense
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Silber-FSWB, p. 243, "A Capital Ship" (1 text)
DT, CAPSHIP
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Ten Thousand Miles Away" (tune)
cf. "Ho for California (Banks of Sacramento)" (tune)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Walloping Window Blind
NOTES: This is basically a nonsense parody of "Ten Thousand Miles Away"; I suspect it was composed by some collegiate character in the 1890s or so. - PJS
Except for the date (I believe it's somewhat earlier that that), that seems indeed to be the story. - RBW
File: FSWB243
===
NAME: Cappy, or The Pitman's Dog
DESCRIPTION: A pitman lives near Newcastle with his family and their dog, "Weel bred Cappy, famous au'd Cappy, Cappy's the dog, Tallio, tallio." Cappy and owner set out for town. A robber attacks Cappy. The owner returns home, and is amazed to find the dog alive
AUTHOR: Words: William Mitford
EARLIEST_DATE: 1900 (Stokoe/Reay); Mitford died 1851
KEYWORDS: animal thief dog death
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(North))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Stokoe/Reay, pp.  84-85, "'Cappy'; or, The Pitman's Dog" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #3145
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Body in the Bag" (theme)
File: StoR084
===
NAME: Capt. Frederick Harris and the Grates Cove Seal Killers of 1915
DESCRIPTION: "Attention all, both great and small, A tale I have to tell Of Captain Frederick Harris And young Florizel." The singer lists various seal hunters, tells of the beginning of their voyage, and wishes them success
AUTHOR: Joshua Stanford
EARLIEST_DATE: 1952 (Stanford, Fifty Years of My Life in Newfoundland)
KEYWORDS: ship hunting moniker
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ryan/Small, p. 101, "Capt. Frederick Harris and the Grates Cove Seal Killers of 1915" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: From internal indications, it appears that the _Florizel_ of this song is not the passenger ship described in "The Wreck of the Steamship Florizel." - RBW
File: RySm101
===
NAME: Captain Abram Kean
DESCRIPTION: "We should not forget the Commodore, The old king of the sailing fleet." "With unerring aim and judgment rare He would strike each sealing patch." "For fifty years he butted the ice." "So we should not forget... The late Captain Abram Kean"
AUTHOR: Otto Kelland ?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (Kelland, Anchor Watch)
KEYWORDS: sailor hunting nonballad
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ryan/Small, p. 146, "Captain Abram Kean" (1 text)
NOTES: The notes in Ryan/Small tell us that Kean died in 1945, at the age of 90, and that he captained sealing expeditions for over fifty years, bringing in more than a million animals.
His fame can be told by the number of Newfoundland tales mentioning him -- among those indexed in this collection, "First Arrival -- 'Aurora' and 'Walrus' Full," "Arrival of 'Aurora,' 'Diana,' 'Virginia Lake,' and 'Vanguard,' Loaded," "The Sealer's Song (II)," "The Terra Nova," "The Swiler's Song," "Captains and Ships," and "A Noble Fleet of Sealers" -- though only the last two appear to be traditional, and "Captains and Ships" mentions Kean only briefly while "A Noble Fleet of Sealers" appears to get his first name wrong.
Kean was not always as successful as this piece might imply, though; "The Terra Nova" is the story of how three men under his command died. - RBW
File: RySm146
===
NAME: Captain Barnwell: see Sarah Barnwell (File: GrD2218)
===
NAME: Captain Bill Ryan Left Terry Behind
DESCRIPTION: "Terry is a fine young man, But he has lots of 'chaw.'" As several ships, including Terry's Esquimaux, get stuck in the ice, Bill Ryan abandons Terry "To paddle his own canoe."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Doyle)
KEYWORDS: hunting ship disaster
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ryan/Small, p. 32, "Captain Bill Ryan Left Terry Behind" (1 text)
ST RySm032 (Partial)
Roud #12532
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Paddle Your Own Canoe" (tune)
File: RySm032
===
NAME: Captain Bob Bartlett
DESCRIPTION: "A rugged Newfoundlander as ever sailed the seas, He was born and raised in Brigus in the bay." Bartlett's career as a sealer, then as captain, is told, as is his work with Admiral Peary. "He's resting now at Brigus where his grave o'erlooks the bay."
AUTHOR: Otto Kelland?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1961 (Kelland, Anchor Watch)
KEYWORDS: hunting ship exploration
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1875-1946 - Life of Robert Abram Bartlett
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ryan/Small, pp. 83-84, "Captain Bob Bartlett" (1 text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Ballad of Captain Bob Bartlett, Arctic Explorer" (subject)
cf. "The Roving Newfoundlanders (I)" (brief mention of Bob Bartlett)
NOTES: Robert Bartlett (born 1875 in Brigus, Newfoundland; died 1946 in New York City, but his grave and monument are at his home in Brigus) is now remembered mostly as an arctic explorer -- Robert Peary, the alleged discoverer of the North Pole, took him on three expeditions; in 1913-1914 Bartlett, as commander of the _Karluk_, was wrecked, and saved his expedition by a sledge trip to Alaska; in 1926, he was on the ship that carried Robert Byrd's plane to Spitzbergen for Byrd's flight toward the pole, though Bartlett was not to be in the plane. But it appears that he was known in Newfoundland even before his polar work; several of the poems in Ryan/Small, including those supposedly written before Peary's explorations, mention him.
It is possible that some of this is by confusion with his uncle John Bartlett, who also worked with Peary for a time, or his cousin Sam Bartlett, who carried Josephine Peary north to meet her husband Robert in the arctic in 1900; Sam took the young Bob Bartlett as mate on that expedition (see Bryce, p. 212; for bibliography, see the notes at the end of the article). There was also a cousin, Moses Bartlett, who went on three arctic expeditions and whom Bryce, p. 294, says "had a fabulous reputation as an ice pilot, and like many of the Bartletts from Brigus, Newfoundland,  including his second cousin, Bob, he had an equal reputation as a hard drinker."
(I note, however, that Niven, p. 40, says that Bob Bartlett was a teetotaler! My guess is that Bartlett did not drink while on duty, and as captain, he was always on duty.)
Ironically, Moses Bartlett would captain the ship that took Frederick A Cook, Peary's great rival, to the arctic on the trip where Cook claimed to reach the North Pole (Bryce, pp. 298, 849).
Finally, there was Bob's uncle Isaac Bartlett, who in 1871 had captained the _Tigress_ and rescued George Tyson's party of survivors of Hall's ill-fated _Polaris_ (see Bruce Henderson, _Fatal North: Adventure and Survival Aboard USS Polaris, the First U. S. Expedition to the North Pole_ New American Library, 2001, p. 220). According to Loomis, p. 265, Isaac Bartlett told the story of the Hall rescue story so often to young Bob that the youth snuck away whenever Isaac showed up -- but Bob still went on to become a sealer and arctic explorer. (For more on these expeditions, see the notes to "Hurrah for Baffin's Bay.")
The song's mention of Bartlett and Peary is significant. Bartlett figures very strongly in the question of Peary's 1909 trip to the pole. Bartlett served as commander of the _Roosevelt_, Peary's ship, and the explorer gave Bartlett much credit for keeping the ship afloat in his 1905 expedition, when the ship barely made it home with her hull badly damaged.
But Bartlett wanted to be part of the group that made the Pole. Peary developed a system -- really, the only possible system at the time -- of working with a large support crew that wasn't intended to reach the Pole; they just shuttled supplies. In 1909, using this system, he made one more attempt for the Pole. (He had made several failed attempts in the past, but this was almost sure to be his last; Peary was too old and broken-down, and his financial backers too tired of the whole business, for him to have much hope of another chance if the 1909 expedition failed.)
When Peary reached up his northermost supply stop, Bartlett was with him, and expected to be one of those on the crew that went to the Pole. But Peary left him behind -- disappointing the young captain so much that he actually started to set out for the Pole himself, on foot, before coming to his senses.
The fact that Peary left him behind is highly indicative. There are few good witnesses to the last part of Peary's journey. As noted, Peary dropped off various men along the way, resupplying the remaining sledges from theirs.
As the party reached the final stages, only three men were left who could read a sextant and hence measure the latitude: Peary, Bartlett, and Ross Marvin. Marvin was dropped at the next-to-last stop, leaving Peary with a signed statement of his position -- but he never made it home; apparently he was murdered by the Inuit (see Bryce, p. 698; Henderson, pp. 218-219). Then Peary got rid of Bartlett. Peary's crew on the last leg of his trek consisted of "Commander" Peary himself (whose correct Naval title was not "Commander" but merely "Civil Engineer"), his servant Matthew Henson, and a handful of Inuit. In other words, by leaving Bartlett behind, Peary had made sure that no one could verify his claimed position.
Somewhere in Bryce (I lost my note on this, and the useless index is no help) is Henson's explanation for this: Bartlett was a slow sledger, and had damaged his legs, meaning that he should not continue. There are very strong arguments against this: Bartlett was in good enough shape that he actually started to walk to the pole, and he had broken trail for much of the trip north. On p. 878, Bryce notes that Bartlett made it back from where he parted from Peary in 24 days. Another of Peary's sledgers, Borup, needed 23 days to sledge back from a point more than two degrees further south. And Bartlett sledged just fine during the _Karluk_ voyage. So Henson's explanation simply doesn't hold up.
Incidentally, those records in Bryce are from Peary, and while Peary noted the positions where the others left, he listed his own return time without listing his own farthest north! It's as if he hadn't yet decided whether to pretend he had reached the Pole. And, once the National Geographic Society had accepted his alleged proofs, he kept them under lock and key; not even a congressional committee was allowed to keep them overnight. And Peary's records, it was noted, show none of the grease and grime one would expect of someone keeping a diary while on a polar trek, eating greasy pemmican and having no way to wash. (Though Bryce, p. 879, notes that Peary's diary is so full of egotistical statements that it's hard to imagine why he would have included them in a fake record. His only explanation is that Peary was unwilling to throw anything away -- unless it argued against his polar claim.)
The map in Morris, p. 141, is strongly illustrative. Peary left land at a northern point on Ellesmere Island, roughly 500 miles south of the North Pole. Bartlett turned back 133 miles south of the Pole -- roughly a quarter of the remaining distance. It took Bartlett 18 days to cover the distance back to land, and six more to return to the _Roosevelt_. Peary, who would have had to cover at least 250 additional miles had he reached the pole, arrived back at the ship two days later (Morris, pp. 142-143).
To manage that Peary, in that last part of the trip in which he travelled with no other companion who could read a sextant, claimed to cover distances which no other sledging party ever managed; indeed, they were more than twice his own average. For part of the distance, he was claiming fifty miles a day (Morris, p. 148). Morris notes that the best average distance ever recorded on a verified trek was 36.6 miles per day.
And Peary, who had damaged his feet and lost eight toes due to frostbite, made this claim even though he generally had to ride in a sledge rather than operating under his own power (see Bryce, p. 442, Henderson, p. 214); Bryce, p. 852, writes, Òas Henson attested, he was not much more than a load of freight." Any objective observer would say that it was Bartlett, not Peary, who should have made the final run to the Pole. He was fitter, younger, as determined as Peary, and at least as competent. But even if Peary wasn't planning to cheat, he wanted to be the only "white man" to reach the Pole. (Bryce, p. 296. And, yes, Peary does seem to have been that sort of a racist; in years of travelling with the Inuit, he never learned their language, and some of the things he said about his faithful Black assistant Matthew Henson are frightful -- even though Henson, as his memoirs show, was in many ways a wiser and better man than Peary.)
It must have been truly wearing for Bartlett, who accompanied Peary on many speaking tours -- and was given a bunch of silver medals at the time when Peary was given gold (Bryce, p. 489). Talk about adding insult to injury! If Peary did in fact make it to the pole, then Bartlett certainly could have done so also -- and Peary could not have piloted the _Roosevelt_ far enough to make the run for the pole possible. So who deserves more credit?
It appears Peary had pulled the same trick on Bartlett during his previous (1905-1906) expedition toward the Pole (see Fleming, pp. 340-343). Little is made of Peary's lack of documentation on that trip, since he did not reach the Pole, and apparently had no hopes of reaching it by the time he left the last of his support crew behind. The best he could hope for was a new "Farthest North," to encourage his financial backers -- and even his claim to that is dubious (Bryce, pp. 853-854, who notes also the inadequacy of his equipment).
The classic book on this subject, according to Berton, is _Peary at the Pole: Fact or Fiction?_ by Dennis Rawlins. See also Berton, especially pp. 577-582. Rawlins convinced Berton -- and his extremely negative tone may have contributed to Berton's own harsh statements. That violent anti-Peary tone may have lessened the book's effect (Bryce, p. 757). Still, the evidence is strong: Peary never made the Pole. And, unlike other Arctic expeditions, he didn't gather any useful scientific data. Nor did he care.
But that's Peary's story, not Bartlett's. Even in that, and in Peary's war with Frederick Cook over who reached the Pole first, Bartlett stands out (e.g. when Peary tried to destroy Cook's equipment to render his claim unprovable, Bartlett helped hide some of the equipment from Peary's wrath; Bryce, p. 415).
The flip side is, Bartlett in 1910 took another ship, the _Beothic_, north to investigate some of Cook's records (Bryce, pp. 908-909). Bryce thinks Bartlett was doing Peary's dirty work at this point, destroying rather than investigating. Bryce, p. 920, goes so far as to state, "If Peary had a 'co-conspirator' in his fraudulent claim to the North Pole, it was Bob Bartlett, and his autobiography shows that he either was a clumsy liar or had an incredibly poor memory." Bryce, it will be clear, favors the former interpretation. I am inclined to disagree; the impression I get from Bartlett's writings is of a man who often acted before he thought, and suffered for it; this would help explain why Peary was able to lead him around by the nose.
The real key to Bartlett's reputation, and the criticism of the same, is the _Karluk_ voyage. This time, there was no Peary; the expedition was chartered by Vilhjalmur Stefansson, but he abandoned the ship early on, leaving Bartlett in charge of the show. The _Karluk_ was intended to take Stefansson and his scientists to explore the western portions of the Canadian arctic. The ship was trapped in the ice, and Stefansson proceeded to take a few scientists and leave. Bartlett, his sailors, the remaining scientists, and the _Karluk_ and drifted west until they were close to Wrangel Island off Siberia, where the ice smashed the ship's hull. Bartlett managed to get the men on the ice, brought them (or most of them) to Wrangel Island, then set off for Alaska to find rescue.
Not all the men he left behind lived, though. Three scientists and a sailor, who apparently did not trust Bartlett, set off on their own, and vanished. Four sailors, including the _Karluk's_ first and second mates, ended up on the uninhabitable Herald Island; their bodies would not be found for years. Two scientists died on Wrangel Island of dietary diseases, and one sailor died of a gunshot wound (probably murder); nearly everyone else, except for the expedition's handful of Inuit, ended up with severe frostbite and lost teeth or toes or other flesh. Of six scientists, 13 sailors including Bartlett, one trapper, and five Inuit (including a family of husband, wife, and two young daughters) on the _Karluk_ when she sank, only one scientist, seven sailors, the trapper, and the five Inuit lived to return home.
How much of this is Bartlett's fault? It's hard to tell. Mirsky says on p. 289, "Had Bartlett not been there, it is doubtful if any would have come out of that nightmare alive." In his defence, he *did* lead the sledging voyage which eventually resulted in the rescue of the survivors, and this was certainly heroic. Not one man died in his presence, and only four were under his orders at the time of their deaths (and even they were on a sledging trip, and were lost due to an order given by one of the scientists, not Bartlett).
The other side of the coin is, he left his men on Wrangel Island with no proper authority (the only officer left was an engineer, who seems to have had no skill in handling men and who separated himself from the majority of the survivors once they started slipping out of control). Yet Bartlett had little choice; shortly before the _Karluk_ sailed, he had fired his first officer (Niven, p. 21, though she does not explain the circumstances). This left him without competent assistance, and caused him to spend most of his time on duty -- which cannot have helped his performance under crisis. Under the pressures of arctic survival, the effect of leaving the men without a real commander was disastrous. And of course those three scientists had decided to set out on their own rather than continue in his presence.
Even before the ship was finally trapped, Bartlett had once run her aground (Niven, p. 33).
To be fair, Bartlett had little control over his crew; they were offered low pay and recruited rather late in the game; Niven, pp. 20-21, says they were inexperienced, of poor character (two were under assumed names and one was an open drug user), and mostly ill-equipped.
I can't help but note how much the whole story resembles that of the _Jeannette_, told in the notes to "Hurrah for Baffin's Bay" (and more fully in Guttridge). Bartlett and crew also noted the resemblances (see especially Bartlett-Karluk, pp. 93-94). But they did little to avoid it, except that Bartlett made the decision to leave most of his men at Wrangel Island (where their chances of survival were best) and seek rescue on his own; the _Jeannette_ crew, by contrast, had all sought to return to land together, and ended up with even heavier casualties than the _Karluk_.
Bartlett would eventually publish two books of his experiences, _The Last Voyage of the Karluk_ (cited here as Bartlett-Karluk) and _The Log of "Bob" Bartlett_ (1928). Both are highly dramatic; Bartlett-Karluk begins "We did not all come back," while the _Log_ tells us that "I have been shipwrecked twelve times. Four times I have seen my own ship sink, or be crushed to kindling against the rocks. Yet I love the sea as a dog loves its master who clouts it for the discipline of the house." Several of the _Karluk_ survivors (and one of the dead scientists) left journals; the one surviving scientist, William Laird McKinlay, also produced a heavily-researched book praising Bartlett.
On the whole, the impression I have of Bartlett is of a man of some skill but rather greater enthusiasm. He saved the _Roosevelt_, he rescued many of the men from the _Karluk_ -- but if he had not gotten into such fixes in the first place, he wouldn't have had to save anything.
Stories from Bartlett-Karluk may illustrate this. In chapter III, Bartlett saw a polar bear and actually took the _Karluk_ off her course to shoot it. Shooting at bears was pretty natural at the time -- a seal hunter certainly had no worries about ecology! -- but it was a waste of time and fuel with no particular reward except that he had a hide to take home and a little extra food for the dogs. (And it's worth remembering that the _Karluk_ was wrecked because the ice trapped her before she had made enough distance east. Anything that delayed her added to the disaster.) Similarly, in chapter VII, he reports refusing treatment after a bad skiing accident lest everyone realize that he was "such a duffer." Perhaps my favorite, though, is from chapter IX, where he decided to clean out his clogged cabin stove by firing it with flashlight powder. He ended up blowing pieces of the stove all over the room. There is also a story of a reporter feeding Bartlett dinner to try to get his opinion on whether Peary had reached the Pole in 1909. Bartlett thought he probably had, or near enough -- but his language in describing being left behind was so salty that he was kicked out of the club where they were dining (see Fleming, p. 384).
When it came to describing how the _Karluk_ was lost (Bartlett-Karluk, chapter 11), Bartlett is surprisingly reticent; he devotes a single paragraph (p. 88) to the subject, simply noting that the ice crushed the ship's side and the pump. No explanation of why the _Karluk_ was so damaged when few other ships suffered such damage in Arctic exploration (the Arctic was a graveyard of ships, but few were destroyed solely by ice; usually they were trapped and abandoned). Niven (pp. 117, 123) shows that the _Karluk_ stayed afloat for about 21 hours after her hull was breached, without help of pumps; was it not possible that the ship could have been saved? Why, after months on the ice, was the ship not better prepared to be evacuated? Much that was useful went down with the vessel. And why, why, why did he not make better command arrangements when he left the crew behind to seek rescue? The troubles on the island were almost solely due to bad leadership -- plus the fact that the people who knew something about survival in the arctic (the Inuit and the trapper John Hadley) had no authority.
Some of this was initially the fault of Viljalmar Stefansson, the expedition commander who had purchased the _Karluk_ as part of his arctic expedition, but who then had bought many of the wrong supplies and caused them to be loaded in an extremely haphazard manner. He also assembled most of the inadequate crew. But Stefansson had abandoned the expedition shortly after the _Karluk_ was frozen in, giving Bartlett the opportunity to straighten things out. So why the mad rush at the last moment? And why did he have so much trouble with so many members of the ship's company?
To be fair, Bartlett seems not to have liked speaking ill of anyone. He never publicly questioned Peary's claim to have reached the Pole, and in the _Last Voyage_ he does not say much about the problems he had with the scientists. Maybe the ship's problems were worse than he lets on. Niven, pp. 8-9, notes that Bartlett considered the _Karluk_ completely unsuitable for the voyage, demanded (and got) many repairs done on her, and had repeatedly told Stefansson that he would need additional equipment.
I'm truly not sure what to think. Given those shipboard frictions, perhaps it's not a surprise that not everyone wanted to follow Bartlett back home. But his record is certainly more contradictory than these poems would indicate -- or than Bryce's blanket condemnation would allow.
Fleming, p. 422, sums up the later part of his life as follows: "Robert Bartlett never got over his experience with Peary. He returned to the Arctic again and again. Some of his voyages were sucessful but others -- like the _Karluk_ expedition -- were harrowing failures. He wrote a few books, the last of which sold so badly that its earnings failed to cover his tobacco allowance.... He died on 26 April 1946."
>>BIBLIOGRAPHY<<:
In writing this summary, I have relied primarily on the following books:
Bartlett-Karluk: Robert A. Bartlett (as set down by Ralph T. Hale), _The Karluk's Last Voyage_ (originally published 1916 as _The Last Voyage of the Karluk_; I used the 2001 Cooper Square expedition with a new introduction by Edward E. Leslie). This, I think, gives a pretty good feeling for Bob Bartlett the intense but slightly loopy officer. Instead of a new introduction, it could really have used an index!
Berton: Pierre Berton, _The Arctic Grail:The Quest for the north West Passage and the NorthPole, 1818-1909_ (Viking, 1988). This is almost snarlingly negative, but it is a solid, widely-respected summary of exploration of the Canadian Arctic.
Bryce: Robert M. Bryce, _Cook & Peary: The Polar Controversy, Resolved_ (Stackpole, 1997). Its thousand-plus pages spend more time on the political and legal jousting between Cook and Peary than anything else, and the index is pitiful in reference to its size, making it very hard to use, but the sheer bulk means that it contains a lot of information.
Fleming: Fergus Fleming, _Ninety Degrees North: The Quest for the North Pole_ (Grove, 2001). A bit informal, but a thoroughly readable account of the various Polar expeditions.
Guttridge: Leonard F. Guttridge, _Icebound: The Jeanette Expedition's Quest for the NorthPole_ (1986; I used the 2001 Berkley edition). This doesn't even mention Bartlett in the Index, but given that the _Karluk's_ story was so close to the _Jeanette's_, it's a useful control on any arctic exploration story.
Henderson: Bruce Henderson, _True North: Peary, Cook, and the Race to the Pole_ (Norton, 2005) is an attempt to demonstrate that Frederick Cook beat Peary to the North Pole. It doesn't do much for Cook's case, it seems to me, but it has quite a bit about Peary and Bartlett.
Loomis: Chauncey Loomis, _Weird and Tragic Shores: The Story of Charles Francis Hall, Explorer_ (I used the 2000 Modern Library edition, which has some new introductory work not by the author but which is essentially unchanged from Loomis's 1968 edition). This is the story of Hall, not Bob Bartlett, but it gives some information on Bartlett's family background.
Mirsky: Jeannette Mirsky, _To the Arctic: The Story of Northern Exploration from the Earliest Times to the Present_, revised edition, Knopf, 1948. It's much too kind to the various wackos who headed for the North Pole, but it's also pretty comprehensive up to the 1920s. In an interesting note, Bryce, pp. 721-722, notes how the legal wrangles between the Peary and Cook factions actually caused portions of this book to be modified for publication; it still ended up in court.
Jan Morris, _Great Exploration Hoaxes_ (Sierra Club, 1982; I use the 2001 Modern Library edition with an Introduction by Jan Morris) covers much more than arctic exploration, and is perhaps a little one-sided in situations where balance might be better, but it has much useful information on Peary and Cook.
Niven: Jennifer Niven, _The Ice Master: The Doomed 1913 Voyage of the Karluk_ (Hyperion, 2000). Much more coherent than Bartlett's own accounts, though I often felt that Niven just didn't quite understand the Arctic. (She is a Californian, and clearly doesn't understand ice, snow, or cold -- she doesn't even know the difference between a "sled," a "sledge," and a "sleigh.") And the lack of an index is a major shortcoming -- often I found that something she said late in the book suddenly caused something earlier on to become important, but I couldn't find the earlier reference - RBW
File: RySm083
===
NAME: Captain Bover
DESCRIPTION: "Where hae ye been, ma canny hinny, Where hae ye been, ma winsome man? I've been to the norrad, Cruising sair and lang; I've been to the norrad, cruising back and forrard, But daurna come ashore For Bover and his gang."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1900 (Stokoe/Reay)
KEYWORDS: pressgang home
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(North))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Stokoe/Reay, p. 90, "Captain Bover" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #3147
NOTES: According to Stokoe/Reay, "Captain [John] Bover was the commander of the press-gang on the Tyne for many years, but appears to have carried out harsh laws as leniently as he could to be effective. He died 20th May 1792."
Ray Fisher sang this fragment alongside "The Weary Cutters," but the connection seems to be a casual one. - RBW
File: StoR090
===
NAME: Captain Burke [Laws K5]
DESCRIPTION: The singer ships on Captain Burke's Caroline, carrying a cargo of slaves. Sent aloft to reef sail in a storm, he and three others are hit by lightning and lose their sight. The singer wishes he could return to sea
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (Creighton-NovaScotia)
KEYWORDS: sailor storm disability
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar) Ireland
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Laws K5, "Captain Burke"
Creighton-NovaScotia 54, "Captain Burke" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ranson, pp. 24-25, "The Blind Sailors" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 556, CAPBURKE
Roud #834
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "By the Lightning We Lost Our Sight" [Laws K6]
NOTES: Ranson's version makes the captain's name Gibson, the ship the _Gallant_, and [has] differences in wording that are strange but not strange enough to make me consider this not to be Laws K5. - BS
File: LK05
===
NAME: Captain Calls All Hands, The: see Our Captain Calls All Hands (Fighting for Strangers) (File: Pea416)
===
NAME: Captain Car, or, Edom o Gordon [Child 178]
DESCRIPTION: (Captain Carr) decides to take a castle, calling upon the lady who holds it to surrender and lie by his side. She refuses (despite the appeals of her children). Carr burns the castle and slaughters the inhabitants
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1755
KEYWORDS: death murder fire family
FOUND_IN: Britain(England,Scotland(Aber)) US(NE)
REFERENCES: (17 citations)
Child 178, "Captain Car, or, Edom o Gordon" (9 texts)
Bronson 178, "Captain Car, or, Edom o Gordon" (6 versions)
GreigDuncan2 231, "Edom O' Gordon" (3 texts, 1 tune) {Bronson's #5}
Percy/Wheatley I, pp. 140-150, "Edom o' Gordon" (2 texts, one a fragment from the Percy folio and the other Percy's published text, drawn partly from other sources
Flanders/Olney, pp. 134-139, "Adam Gorman" (1 text, 1 tune)
Flanders-Ancient3, pp. 173-184, "Captain Car, or Edom O Gordon" (2 texts, 1 tune; the "B" text is from "The Charms of Melody" rather than tradition)
Leach, pp. 488-491, "Captain Car, or, Edom o Gordon" (1 text) {Bronson's #6, which he places in an appendix}
Friedman, p. 256, "Captain Car (Edom o' Gordon)" (2 texts)
OBB 77, "Edom o Gordon" (1 text)
PBB 46, "Edom o Gordon" (1 text)
Gummere, pp. 146-150+332, "Captain Car, or Edom o Gordon" (1 text)
Hodgart, p. 111, "Captain Car (Edom o' Gordon)" (1 text)
DBuchan 53, "Edom o Gordon"; 54, "Edom o Gordon" (2 texts)
HarvClass-EP1, pp. 103-107, "Captain Car" (1 text)
Chappell/Wooldridge I, pp. 73-75, "Sick, Sick" (2 tunes, partial text) {Tune I is listed as Bronson's #2, but recast; Bronson does not print Chappell's tune II)
BBI, ZN3329, "It befell at martynmas, When wether waxed colde"
DT 178, ADAMGRMN*
Roud #80
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Corgraff
NOTES: Said to be the "sick tune" referred to, e.g., in "Much Ado about Nothing," III, iv, 42. This text, first found in the British Museum manuscript Cotton Vespasian A25 (late sixteenth century) is associated with a piece found in several lute books beginning no later than 1597. The events described are dated by Ritson to 1571; a piece labeled "Sick, sick" was licensed in 1578. - RBW, AS
The actual event this is said to have been based on is the attack of Captain Ker (an agent of Sir Adam Gordon, brother of George Gordon, earl of Huntly) upon the Forbes stronghold at Towie on October 9, 1571 (during the minority of James VI, when the Regency had great difficulty controlling the country).
The song, however, is by no means an accurate account of the assault -- which is curious given that the song seemingly came into existence so soon after the event. - RBW
File: C178
===
NAME: Captain Coldstein: see Captain Coulston (File: HHH562)
===
NAME: Captain Colson: see Captain Coulston (File: HHH562)
===
NAME: Captain Colstein: see Captain Coulston (File: HHH562)
===
NAME: Captain Colster: see Captain Coulston (File: HHH562)
===
NAME: Captain Conrod
DESCRIPTION: The singer drunkenly signs aboard "a brig called the Mary belonging to Starr." He goes below and finds the mate has finished his brandy. The captain gives them "salt cod and religion" to eat. "To hell with Starr's Mary and Captain Conrod"
AUTHOR: Harry Rissal ?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (Creighton/Nova Scotia)
KEYWORDS: ship ordeal drink food sailor shore
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Smith/Hatt, p. 14, "The Mary" (1 text)
Creighton-NovaScotia 108, "Captain Conrod" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST SmHa014 (Partial)
Roud #1816
RECORDINGS:
Edmund Henneberry, "Captain Conrod"  (on NovaScotia1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "As Now We Are Sailing" (tune)
NOTES: [This song is item] dD51 [in Laws's Appendix II].
Creighton-NovaScotia: "According to the singer, this was composed by Harry Rissal, a seaman with whom Mr Henneberry's brother sailed. Starr was the name of a well-known Halifax firm, in sailing ship days, and Captain Conrod a Halifax man." Creighton's Introduction puts an early date of 1929 on her collecting this song. Smith/Hatt Introduction claims Smith's songs were "sung aboard vessels out of Liverpool, Nova Scotia in the '70's, '80's and '90's." I suppose it's possible that the attribution is correct. - BS
Looking at the text of this, I have to think it was intended to be sung to the Derry Down tune (in fact, it looks like a parody of "Red Iron Ore"). But Creighton's tune is not the Derry Down tune. - RBW
Really two songs in one. The song refers to Halifax, N.S., but it was collected in Devil's Island, nearby. - PJS
File: SmHa014
===
NAME: Captain Coulson: see Captain Coulston (File: HHH562)
===
NAME: Captain Coulston
DESCRIPTION: Captain Coulston's ship sails for America (carrying Irish emigrants?). She is overtaken by pirates. Following a desperate fight, Coulston and crew defeat the pirate; his wife shoots the pirate chief. They take the pirate ship to America as a prize
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1886 (broadside, Bodleian 2806 b.10(58))
KEYWORDS: pirate battle emigration
FOUND_IN: Ireland Canada(Ont)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
SHenry H562, pp. 113-114, "Captain Coulston" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ranson, pp. 78-79, "Captain Coulston" (1 text, 1 tune)
McBride 15, "Captain Colster" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CAPTCOUL
Roud #1695
RECORDINGS:
O. J. Abbott, "Captain Coldstein" (on Abbott1)
Brigid Tunney, "Captain Colston" (on IRTunneyFamily01)
Paddy Tunney, "Captain Coulson" (on Voice12)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, 2806 b.10(58), "Captain Colston", H. Such (London), 1863-1885; also Firth b.26(492), Firth c.12(62), Harding B 11(534), Harding B 19(95), 2806 c.15(193), "Captain Colston"; Firth b.25(41/42), "Captain Colston" or "The Pirate Ship"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Terrible Privateer" (plot)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Captain Colstein
Captain Colston
Captain Coulson
NOTES: Early versions of this song, such as Sam Henry's, make no mention of emigration; this may have been a later addition.
All versions seem to reveal a not-very-smart pirate: He demands the passengers give up their valuables, and then he'll sink them. In such a context, what choice was there but to fight? - RBW
File: HHH562
===
NAME: Captain Devin: see Whisky in the Jar (The Irish Robber A) [Laws L13A]/The Irish Robber B (McCollister) [Laws L13B] (File: LL13)
===
NAME: Captain Don't Feel Sorry for a Longtime Man
DESCRIPTION: A composite song, in many ways more a religious musical than a performance. The singer writes to his mother asking for prayers. He asks his captain for pity. He laments a life term. One singer prays as another recites the Lord's Prayer
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1965 (recorded from Marshall Phillips, Ebbie Veasley, and Theo Mitchell by Jackson)
KEYWORDS: prison hardtimes mother religious
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Jackson-DeadMan, pp. 132-142, "Captain Don't Feel Sorry for a Longtime Man" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: This song, as given by Jackson, could not be sung by fewer than two singers, and really needs three or more.  It uses elements of many other songs, such as "Please Have Mercy on a Longtime Man," "Godalmighty Drag," an Old Rattler song, and probably a work or hammer song, plus a religious item. Even though the components are commonplace, I can't recall seeing anything like the combined result in the annals of folk song; I frankly am somewhat dubious about counting it as such. - RBW
File: JDM132
===
NAME: Captain Doorley and the Boyne
DESCRIPTION: John Doorley, 18, son of a wealthy farmer, joined the United men against the Orange at Naas, Timahoe, Prosperous, and Kilcullen. The target of a Yeoman manhunt, he was wounded at the Boyne: "Four hours I lay bleeding and my Nancy at my side" 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1798 (Zimmermann)
KEYWORDS: battle rebellion manhunt Ireland patriotic
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: May 26, 1798 - John Doorley of Lullymore leads about 5000 rebels to occupy Rathnagan, County Kildare (source: an article by Mario Corrigan, published by Kildare County Council, at Kildare Community Network site) 
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Zimmermann 14, "Captain Doorley and the Boyne" (1 text, 1 tune)
Moylan 57, "Captain Doorley and the Boyne" (1 text, 1 tune)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 19(90), "John Doorly -- a Song of 1798" ("I hope you'll pay attention and listen unto me"), J.F. Nugent & Co. (Dublin), 1850-1899; also 2806 c.15(177), "John Doorly -- a Song of 1798"
NOTES: Zimmermann's has "no indication" of the tune used but lists a 1798 tune that fits the ballad. - BS
Rathangan (as it is usually spelled) is on the boundary between Kildare and King's County (now County Offaly). It was little more than a village, and its occupation had little significance except to expand the rebel-occupied territory toward the west. Unfortunately, the rebels needed to move east, toward Dublin, if they wanted to help the cause.
Even more unfortunately, the town had a garrison, which the rebels attacked. According to Thomas Pakenham, _The Year of Liberty_, pp. 133-134, the attackers (estimated as 5000, though most such estimates were high) killed two yeoman officers and 26 privates. After they surrendered.
To be sure, when the place was retaken (Pakenham, pp. 167-168), there seems to have been a counter-massacre. But it's understandable why the British would pursue the rebel forces.
The Boyne is a long day's march, or a somewhat shorter ride, north of the town, so Doorley may have been pursued the whole time. - RBW
File: Zimm014
===
NAME: Captain Dwyer
DESCRIPTION: Ireland is ending the slavery binding it "Since Cromwell and his damned decree." Captain Dwyer's exploits against the cavalry and Captain Byrne are recounted: skirmishes at Hackettstown and Keadun bog avenging Stratford, Baltinglass and Dunlavin.
AUTHOR: R. R. Madden (source: Moylan)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1887 (Madden's _Literary Remains of the United Irishmen of 1798_, according to Moylan)
KEYWORDS: army battle rebellion Ireland patriotic
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1798 - Irish rebellion against British rule
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Moylan 144, "Captain Dwyer" (1 text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Michael Dwyer (I)" (subject of Michael Dwyer) and references there
NOTES: The Oliver Cromwell reference is to the August 1652 Act of Settlement of Ireland and its consequent expropriation of Irish lands. [For background on Cromwell's subjection of Ireland, and the horrors it caused -- it was perhaps the worst atrocity committed by anyone from the time of the Roman Empire until the Twentieth Century, attempting to push all the native Irish into Connaught -- see the notes to "The Wexford Massacre." - RBW]
Hackettstown, Stratford-on-Slaney, Baltinglass and Dunlavin are in County Wicklow.
Moylan: "Michael Dwyer was a Wicklow man, a member of the United Irishmen, who fought during the 1798 rebellion, and who waged a guerilla war in the Wicklow mountains for several years afterwards." This song, unlike the others, deals with his activities in May and June of 1798. "The village of Stratford-on-Slaney was attacked on the 24th of May. Hackettstown was attacked the following day, and again one month later on the 25th of June." Dwyer's was appointed Captain commanding a company on June 24.- BS
For more on Dwyer, see the notes to "Michael Dwyer (I)" or "Michael Dwyer (II)." - RBW
File: Moyl144
===
NAME: Captain Fowler
DESCRIPTION: Orangeman Captain Dick Fowler arrives in hell. Fowler says that if a croppy brings him water he will "own to him I've done great wrong." Beelzebub explains that no croppy can help him: "it was for Freedom those boys fell And heaven is their station"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1970 (Healy's _Mercier Book of Old Irish Street Ballads_, according to Moylan)
KEYWORDS: death humorous patriotic Devil
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Moylan 39, "Captain Fowler" (1 text)
NOTES: Moylan: "Richard Fowler was a distiller living in Dunlavin, who in November 1797 had been condemned in the Union Star as 'a notorious informer and one of those principled murderers, orangemen'." Moylan lists other "activities" contributing to Fowler's reputation. - BS
I can't help but think this is inspired by the story of the Rich Man and Lazarus (Luke 16:19-31), for which see, e.g., "Dives and Lazarus" [Child 56]. I can't prove it, though. - RBW
File: Moyl039
===
NAME: Captain Glen/The New York Trader (The Guilty Sea Captain A/B) [Laws K22]
DESCRIPTION: A ship sets out to sea; many of the crew become ill. The captain has a dream which causes him to reveal his dreadful crimes to the boatswain. In the face of a severe storm, the boatswain reveals the captain's sins. He is tossed overboard; the storm abates
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1794
KEYWORDS: ship crime execution revenge storm
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar,Newf) Britain(England,Scotland) US(MA,SE) Ireland
REFERENCES: (14 citations)
Bronson (57 Ñ Appendix to "Brown Robyn's Confession"), 10 versions
Laws K22, "Captain Glen/The New York Trader (The Guilty Sea Captain A/B)"
Greig #130, pp. 2-3, "Captain Glen" (1 text) 
GreigDuncan2 191, "Captain Glen" (3 texts, 1 tune)
Vaughan Williams/Lloyd, pp. 72-73, "The New York Trader" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's 10}
Chappell-FSRA 35, "Captain Glen" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #3}
Logan, pp. 47-50, "Captain Glen's Unhappy Voyage to New Barbary" (1 text)
Peacock, pp. 396-397, "New York Trader" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-NovaScotia 55, "Captain Glen" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 90, "Captain Glen" (1 text); 91, "The New York Trader" (1 text)
Leach, pp. 697-698, "William Glen" (1 text)
Ranson, pp. 76-77, "The Cork Trader" (1 text)
BBI, ZN2534, "There was a ship, and a ship of fame"
DT 563, NYTRADR WILLGLEN
ST LK22 (Full)
Roud #478
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 11(2902), "The New York Trader," T. Birt (London), 1828-1829; Harding B 11(2700), Johnson Ballads 220, Johnson Ballads 569, Harding B 11(2163), 2806 b.11(232), Harding B 11(2699), Firth c.13(204), "The New York Trader" 
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Brown Robin's Confession" [Child 57]
cf. "Cruel Ship's Carpenter, The (The Gosport Tragedy; Pretty Polly)" [Laws P36A/B]
cf. "Sir William Gower"
cf. "The Pirate"
cf. "The Sailor and the Ghost"
cf. "The Man and the Two Maidens"
cf. "Willie Was As Fine a Sailor" (Jonah theme)
cf. "Willie Grahame" (Jonah theme)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
William Guiseman
Sie William Gower
There Was a Ship
NOTES: See also Creighton and MacLeod _Gaelic Songs in Nova Scotia_ 38, pp. 120-121, "Uilleam Glen (William Glen)" which alternates Gaelic and English verses. The English verses are close enough to Creighton-NovaScotia to be considered the same ballad.
The theme of the sailor thrown overboard to calm a storm sent by God is found in Jonah 1.1-16.
Ranson's version seems mangled with one four line stanza, three of five lines and three of six; no tune is supplied which, in Ranson's case, probably means the ballad was recited. Further, the contributor seems to be recalling the ballad as she remembers it from her late husband. The version has a few elements from the beginning of "Captain Glen": the number of the crew is mentioned (but only 34), and the captain is named (William Gore). From that point on couplets, rather than verses, and a few compressed single lines follow Catnach's "New York Trader" broadside at Bodliean Firth c.13(204). - BS
This may not be the only song about Captain Glen's misdeeds. The National Library of Scotland has an item, broadside NLScotland, L.C.Fol.70(46a), "Captain Glen" ("As I was walking to take the air, To see the ships all sailing O"), unknown, c. 1890, describes Captain Glen seducing Betsy Gordon and abandoning her -- but he returns to her later. This has now been indexed as "The Noble Duke O'Gordon."
The idea of the sea raging against a criminal aboard a ship is, of course, a popular theme going back all the way to the Biblical book of Jonah. - RBW
File: LK22
===
NAME: Captain Grant
DESCRIPTION: Singer, an apprentice in Northamptonshire, takes to highway robbery and is imprisoned in Edinburgh. Escaping, he hides in a wood, but is betrayed by a woman and reimprisoned. He prays for mercy on his soul and for his wife and children.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1901 (Romani-English fragment reported by Merrick) and 1909 (English text reported by Sharp), according to Coughlan);
KEYWORDS: captivity betrayal crime execution prison punishment robbery escape gallows-confession family outlaw prisoner
FOUND_IN: Britain(England)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
MacSeegTrav 91, "Captain Grant" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CAPTGRNT*
ADDITIONAL: Tim Coughlan, Now Shoon the Romano Gillie, (Cardiff,2001), pp. 411-412, "Captain Grant the Highwayman" [English text reported by Sharp]
Roud #1286
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Bold Captain Grant
NOTES: See also Tim Coughlan, _Now Shoon the Romano Gillie_, (Cardiff,2001), #159, pp. 411-412, "If you Diks up a Funy'Chel" [Romani-English fragment reported by Merrick]. - BS
File: McCST091
===
NAME: Captain Henry Thomey
DESCRIPTION: "Upon the past I'm thinking, To it my heart is linking, When fifteen thousand hardy men Trod the frozen floe. Oh, those days were merry And everyone felt cheery When men sailed 'long with Terry and Thomey long ago."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1916 (Murphy, The Seal Fishery)
KEYWORDS: hunting nonballad moniker
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ryan/Small, p. 15, "Captain Henry Thomey" (1 single-stanza text)
NOTES: Based on the very short form in Ryan/Small, this isn't really a moniker song -- but the whole thing is about Henry Thomey, who apparently headed sealing expeditions for nearly sixty years. Monikerish enough. Whether it's traditional I don't know; no author seems to be known, but there is no collection information either. - RBW
File: RySm015
===
NAME: Captain Holler Hurry
DESCRIPTION: "The Captain holler hurry, Goin' to take my time... Say he makin' money, And I'm tryin' to make time. Say he can lose his job, But I can't lose mine. I ain't got time to tarry, Just stop by here. Boys if you got long You better move along."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1950 (recording, Willie Turner)
KEYWORDS: prison work
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Courlander-NFM, pp. 106-107, (no title) (1 partial text); pp. 265-266, "Captain Holler Hurry" (1 tune, partial text)
Roud #10989
RECORDINGS:
Willie Turner, "Captain Holler Hurry" (on NFMAla6)
File: CNFM106B
===
NAME: Captain James (The Captain's Apprentice)
DESCRIPTION: (Captain James) has a servant who commits a "trifling offense." James ties him to the mast, abuses him, starves him, and leaves him to die of thirst, torture, and exposure. Brought to trial, James thinks money will save him, but he is hanged
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1768 (Journal from the _Two Brothers_)
KEYWORDS: ship sailor death murder crime punishment trial execution
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(Lond)) US(MW) Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Huntington-Whalemen, pp. 54-59, "Captain James" (3 texts, 1 tune)
Gardner/Chickering 132, "The Cabin Boy" (1 text)
Creighton-SNewBrunswick 88, "Captain James" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST SWMS054 (Partial)
Roud #835
RECORDINGS:
Harry Cox, "Come All You Men Throughout This Nation" (on Voice12)
NOTES: Although the versions of this I've seen don't clearly state that the vessel in this story was a navy ship, the picture here fits the British navy. The captains, in this era, were almost entirely isolated from their crews, and they weren't really examined for fitness for promotion. Many were incompetent, and many were barbaric.
An extreme example of the latter was Hugh Pigot of H. M. S. _Hermione_, who killed at least two of his sailors with the cat, at least once ordered fourteen sailors flogged on the same day, and after giving an impossible order which resulted in injuries to two young sailors, had them thrown overboard. The result was a mutiny -- but while Pigot was killed, the admiralty officially stood by him.
A summary of Pigot's career is given by Leonard F. Guttridge in _Mutiny: A History of Naval Insurrection_, United States Naval Institute, 1992 (I use the 2002 Berkley edition), pp. 75-82. On pp. 75-76, he reports, "Hugh Pigot came from a family whose wealth and political influence (his father had been on the board of the British Admiralty) were possibly factors in his attainment of naval command at the age of twenty-two. It woul be said in Pigot's defence that he was a skillful if ill-tempered officer who demanded proficiency from inferiors and too readily believed he could flog it out of them."
Guttridge,p. 76, speculates that his assignment to the remoteness of the tropics may have affected his mind: "[H]is average of two floggings a week on HMS _Success_, a punishment rate not really excessive, was to worsen rapidly after he transferred his command to the 32-gun frigate _Hermione_ early in 1797."
In the autumn of 1797, during a storm, Pigot ordered some canvas taken in, and decided the men were working too slowly. "He thretened to flog the last man down. In the scrambling descent three missentopmen missed their footing and plunged to their deaths. Pigot ordered the bodies thrown overboard and blamed a dozen men for clumsiness aloft and had them all flogged" (Guttridge, p.77). Since the ship had a crew of about 170, that means he in one day injured or killed almost 10% of his men -- a patently unsustainable rate. And, indeed, the crew mutinied that night and killed him; Guttridge says "the intruders practically fought each other to get at him." Repeatedly stabbed, he was then thrown overboard, perhaps still alive (since some men reportedly heard his cries; Guttridge, p. 78). I'd consider it a measure of his inhumanity that he actually thought he might be worth rescuing.
Unfortunately, Pigot's insanity had infected the crew, and three more officers were killed before the bloody spree ended. When things calmed down a little, a series of mock-trials were held, and most of the remaining officers executed (Guttridge, p. 79). The crew, realizing they had no hope of mercy, headed for Venezuela, where they begged asylum (Claiming falsely to have set their officers adrift). One suspects they got it because their ship was valuable, not because anyone believed them.
The British eventually managed to recover and hang some two dozen of the mutineers (Guttridge, p. 81), though most were not ringleaders. Over a hundred managed to avoid recapture by the British (Guttridge, p. 87); many probably ended up in the United States. The _Hermione_ itself, renamed _Santa Cecilia_ by the Spanish, was eventually retaken by the British, though her career was over; returned to Portsmouth in 1802, she was soon paid off, and broken up in 1805 (see Lincoln P. Paine, _Ships of the World: An Historical Encylopedia_ Houghton Mifflin, 1997, p. 243).
Compare also the captain described in "The Flash Frigate (La Pique)."
It was largely the behavior of officers that eventually led to the Spithead mutiny (which resulted, among other things, in many officers being transferred or put ashore; for details on Spithead, see "Poor Parker"). Captain James may not have been real (none of the sources seem able to trace him), but he was true-to-life.
Incidentally, an incident almost parallel to this happened within a year of the recorded text from the _Two Brothers_ -- involving none other than John Paul Jones! According to Samuel Eliot Morison's biography (_John Paul Jones_, p. 17 of the Time-Life edition), Jones (then known simply as John Paul) was in 1769 the commander of the _John_; he had aboard a carpenter named Mungo Maxwell. (Truly. Mungo Maxwell. That's what it says.) Jones became so upset with him that he had him flogged. Maxwell filed charges against Jones, and while they were dismissed, Maxwell died on a voyage soon after. Jones faced a murder charge in consequence, though he was acquitted. - RBW
File: SWMS054
===
NAME: Captain Jim Rees and the Katie
DESCRIPTION: "Captain Jim Rees said when the Katie was made, Arkansas City goin' to be her trade."  The remaining verses describe the life and plans of a river worker, perhaps on the Kate Adams
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1944 (Wheeler)
KEYWORDS: sailor work river
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
MWheeler, pp. 10-12, "Captain Jim Rees and the Katie" (1 text, 1 tune); pp. 20-21, "She Leaves Memphis" (1 text, 1 tune); also perhaps p. 22, "Vicksburg Round the Bend" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST MWhee010 (Full)
Roud #9997
NOTES: According to Wheeler, James Rees ran a steamboat manufacturing company from 1854. In the aftermath of the Civil War, he built several boats for use on the southern Mississipi and offered them to southern firms on credit.
Three boats on the Mississippi were named Kate Adams. The second was responsible for a run from Helena, Arkansas to Memphis (ninety miles) in less than five and a half hours. The third was said to be the subject of this song, and the Jim Rees was the son of the founder of the Jim Rees Duquesne Engine Works.
Wheeler's second text, "She Leaves Memphis," has only the one verse in common with her first -- but since it's the key verse, and all the others are the sort of generic items one expects of bluesy songs, I concluded they were the same.
Even more complicated is the case of "Vicksburg Round the Bend." The first stanza is generic, with different cities being used; the second is standard blues, the third is found also in "What Does the Deep Sea Say,"  the fourth is the "Katie" verse, and the fifth is from "The Katie and the Jim Lee Had a Race."
More than anything else, these two versions (and even the first) show the difficulty of classifying songs of this type. These may be distinct in their origins, but they have cross-fertilized to the point where no clear line can be drawn. - RBW
File: MWhee010
===
NAME: Captain Jinks
DESCRIPTION: "I'm Captain Jinks of the Horse Marines, I feed my horse on corn and beans And court young ladies in their teens Though a Captain in the army." Jinks describes his money troubles, his fancy clothes, army training, and perhaps his life with the girls
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1911 (JAFL 24)
KEYWORDS: clothes courting money pride soldier army playparty marines
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,SE,So)
REFERENCES: (7 citations)
Randolph 547, "Captain Jinks" (2 short texts, 1 tune)
BrownIII 84, "Captain Jinks" (1 fragment)
Cambiaire, p. 139, "Captain Jinks" (1 short text)
Spaeth-WeepMore, pp. 47-48, "Captain Jinks of the Horse Marines" (1 text, 1 tune)
Gilbert, p. 61, "Captain Jinks of the Horse Marines" (1 fragmentary text); pp. 86-87 contains a parody about Mrs. Jinks
Silber-FSWB, p. 38, "Captain Jinks" (1 text)
DT, CAPTJINK
Roud #4858
RECORDINGS:
Pete Seeger, "Captain Jinks" (on PeteSeeger21)
NOTES: Randolph states that this song dates back to the Civil War era, and there are reports of public performances as early as 1901. Few substantial details seem to exist, though.
The earliest dated account of the song in tradition seems to be that of Laura Ingalls Wilder, who reports her father singing in in 1872 (_Little House in the Big Woods_, chapter 7) and, more significantly, in 1879 (_By the Shores of Silver Lake_, chapter 15). Laura also sang a parody at the latter time -- the same one mentioned by Gilbert:
I am Mrs. Jinks of Madison Square,
I wear fine clothes and curl my hair,
The Captain went on a regular tear,
And they kicked him out of the army.
This would seem to imply a song well-established in tradition -- but we should note that Wilder was writing sixty years later, and that her account is in any case not actual autobiography but fiction based loosely on her life. - RBW
File: R547
===
NAME: Captain Jinks of the Horse Marines: see Captain Jinks (File: R547)
===
NAME: Captain John: see Johnny the Sailor (Green Beds) [Laws K36] (File: LK36)
===
NAME: Captain Kidd (II): see Through All the World Below (File: LoF034)
===
NAME: Captain Kidd [Laws K35]
DESCRIPTION: Captain Kidd tells the tale of his wicked life. His early sins include the murder of William Moore and one of his ship's gunners. He repents for a time, but slides back into piracy. Finally captured, he has been sentenced to death
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1701 (broadside)
KEYWORDS: execution gallows-confession pirate
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1699 - Arrest of Captain William Kidd in Boston
May 23, 1701 - Execution of Captain Kidd
FOUND_IN: US(MW,NE,SE,So) Canada(Mar,Newf)
REFERENCES: (23 citations)
Laws K35, "Captain Kidd"
BrownII 116, "Captain Kidd" (1 text)
Chappell-FSRA 27, "The Pirate" (a single confused stanza, but clearly this song)
Hudson 100, p. 238, "Kidd's Lament" (1 text)
Gardner/Chickering 129, "Captain Kidd" (1 text, 1 tune)
Linscott, pp. 131-134, "Captain Kidd" (1 text, 1 tune)
Peacock, pp. 837-839, "Captain Kidd" (1 text, 1 tune)
Colcord, pp. 141-144, "Captain Kidd" (1 text, 1 tune)
Hugill, 449, "Captain Kidd" (1 text, 1 tune); "Samuel Hall" (1 text, 1 tune -- same tune and format as Kidd, but substituting other names and nonsense rhymes)
Mackenzie 110, "Captain Robert Kidd" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 366, "Captain Kidd" (1 text)
PBB , "Captain Robert Kidd" (1 text)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 501-504, "Captain Robert Kidd" (1 text)
Lomax-FSNA 5, "Captain Kidd-I" (1 text, 1 tune)
LPound-ABS, 72, p. 160, "Captain Kidd" (1 text)
Shay-SeaSongs, pp. 187-189, "The Ballad of Captain Kidd" (1 text)
Gilbert, p. 43, "Captain Kidd" (1 partial text)
JHJohnson, pp. 73-75, "The Ballad of Captain Kidd" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 200, "Captain Kidd" (1 text)
BBI, ZN1837, "My name is Captain Kid who has sail'd, &c."
DT 413, CAPNKIDD* CAPNKID2
ADDITIONAL: C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907 (available on Google Books), p. 134, "Captain Kid's Farewel to the Seas; Or, The Famous Pirate's Lament" (1 very detailed text, with the tune listed as "Coming Down")
Walter de la Mare, _Come Hither_, revised edition, 1928; notes to #87, "Told How a Crew Was Cursed" (1 short text)
Roud #1900
BROADSIDES:
LOCSinging, as101900, "Capt. Robert Kidd," unknown (Boston), 19C; also as101910, "The Dying Words of Capt. Robert Kidd: a Noted Pirate, Who Was Hanged at Execution Dock, in England" 
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Bold Kidd, the Pirate" (subject)
SAME_TUNE:
Admiral Byng and Brave West (C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907 (available on Google Books), p. 210)
NOTES: One of the tunes for this song is also used for the American hymn "Wondrous Love"; another is used for the English hymn "Come Ye that Fear the Lord." -PJS, RBW
The Missouri Harmony has a song, "Captain Kid" (sic.), which has still another set of lyrics (not "Wondrous Love"), but the sheet music is so cramped that it is literally impossible to match the text with the tune. It's the standard tune, though. - RBW
Several of the ballad versions note that, after murdering William Moore, Kidd killed the gunner. According to Friedman, Moore *was* the gunner; Kidd killed him because he was allegedly planning a mutiny. - PJS
There is, indeed, a lot more to this story than we find in this song. For the references cited in this note, see the Bibliography at the end.
Although the British hung Captain Kidd as a pirate, the view of him here is probably too harsh. In his own mind he was a privateer, if perhaps an overly zealous one. Herman comments on p. 247, "Kidd had fallen victim of a new, less tolerant attitude toward the time-honored tradition of theft at sea. A few years earlier, Kidd's exploits would have been business as usual." Similarly, Cordingly, p. xiv, described the reign of Charles II (1660-1685) as the period when buccaneers were most active in the Caribbean. But by 1701, Britain was doing all it could to stop piracy; the gibbeted bodies of pirates were displayed all along the Thames to try to discourage potential pirates (Ritchie, p. 1)
The truth is, there was a long history of piracy in the British navy. Francis Drake, the second man to circumnavigate the globe, made his profit by preying on the Spanish, e.g. (Cordingly, pp. 28fff.; Rodger, p. 244). As long as England was a self-sufficient nation, without colonies, and its enemies such as Spain had colonies, this made perfect sense. It was only in the seventeenth century that Britain began to find trade more profitably than raiding, and so started to suppress piracy (Ritchie, p. 128).
William Kidd (or Kid; this is the spelling preferred by Firth) was born in the middle of this transition period. Few details of his early life survive, but he was said to come from Greenock, Scotland, and to have been born around 1645 (so Ritchie,p. 27; DictPirates; and all three biographical dictionaries I checked; Zacks, p. 9, makes him 42 in 1696, and on p. 60 says he was born in 1654. Clifford, p. 5, also gives the date 1654, and lists his birthplace as Dundee). His father is said to have been a Presbyterian minister (so Ritchie, p. 27; Clifford claims Kidd's father was "a sea captain who died when Kidd was very young"), which would accord with the statement in the song that Kidd's parents "taught me well to shun the gates of hell." But the extent to which that influenced his early career simply cannot be known; we don't have the information.
Clifford, p. 5, believes Kidd spent time as a petty officer in the Royal Navy -- but it is worth noting that no petty officer would know  how to navigate a ship.
By 1689, Kidd was a buccaneer in the Caribbean (Ritchie, p. 29). In that confused region, with different islands ruled by different powers, semi-official piracy still flourished. In that year, seemingly with some official encouragement, he took command of the _Blessed William_, technically a privateer (Kidd in fact had helped capture her, and she was manned, in effect, by volunteers; Zacks, pp. 62-63) but part of a relatively regular navy flotilla (the lines between regular and irregulars were much less clearly drawn in remote stations); Ritchie, p. 30. But his crew didn't like how he ran his ship, and soon deposed him (Ritchie, p. 32; Zacks, p. 72).
Kidd and his former vessel ended up chasing each other around the Atlantic. But Kidd did good work in New York during the confusion resulting from the ouster of James II in 1689 (Zacks, p. 79ff.); he used his new ship to help bluff the old governor out of his post. He went on to marry a well-to-do young New York widow in 1691 (Ritchie, p. 36; Zacks, pp. 82-83, describes the complications of their courtship and her inheritance, and Clifford, p. 23, notes that they married only four days after her previous husband died, but none of that affects Kidd's story much). They would have a daughter, Sarah, named for her mother (Zacks, p. 11). Kidd seems to have been a respectable citizen at the time, among other things, he served on a Grand Jury for a time (Zacks, pp. 90-91). Though it was hard to be entirely respectable in New York at this time; the place was a favorite pirate hang-out, where no one asked many questions about where goods came from (Clifford, pp. 32-33).
Eventually life on land paled, though we have no clue as to why (Clifford, p. 23); in 1695 Kidd went to England to seek a privateer's licence (Ritchie, p. 40; Zacks, pp. 91-93, thinks he actually tried to gain a captain's commission in the Royal Navy, but this is almost too absurd an idea to contemplate). He did not get either warrant at this time; a shortage of trained sailors forced the British navy to grab every hand it could find. So no letters of marque were issued during this period (Ritchie, pp. 42-43).
There were ways around this. According to Bryant, p. 34, "By 1698, the loss of revenue and trade brought about by the smugglers and pirates had reached such large proportions that the English government was moved to action. But since the Royal Navy was fully occupied in the war with Louis XIV, a private company was organized to hunt down and destroy some pirates.... [Among its stockholders] were King William [of Orange], Lord Bellomont.... Lord Chancellor Somers, [and] the Duke of Somerset...." What it really came down to was, Kidd and some acquaintances came up with a way around the restrictions on privateers: They would offer up their ship for purposes of hunting the pirates. In return, they wanted to have a much freer hand in dealing with the booty they captured (Zacks, pp. 102-104).
We will meet Bellomont again; he was not born a member of the nobility, but was a soldier who had helped bring Charles II back to the throne; he had been rewarded with a title, but had little property to support it (Clifford, p. 34). His poverty, and his desire to do something about it, would play a large role in what followed.
(In an interesting aside, the man who dreamed up this scheme, and who introduced Kidd to his other patrons, was one Robert Livingston. According to Zacks, p. 100, he was of the Livingston family that, a century and a half earlier, had produced Mary Livingston, one of the "four Maries" who went with Mary Stewart when Mary went to wed the king of France.)
Initially, the goal seems to have been to have a relatively small number of shareholders, to keep the profits high. This proved unfeasible; too many people, including King William, had to approve the venture. So more partners were brought in and the charter rewritten (Ritchie, pp. 50-55). To get King William's assent to the whole deal, he was given a 10% stake.
Raising the money was difficult enough that Kidd sold his old ship, the _Antigua_ (Zacks, p. 105). What's more, he signed what Zacks, p. 104, describes as a performance bond for twenty thousand pounds. Apart from his land in New York, much of which was really his wife's property, he was betting everything he had -- and if he failed, even the land might be forfeit, unless his wife could have the marriage dissolved. (Zacks thinks this is proof that Kidd either intended to cheat or to turn pirate. He ignores the possibility that Kidd was tricked -- which, given that Kidd was starry-eyed enough to hope for favors from the British government, seems to me quite possible.) And his backers were slow to come up with their parts of the funding, meaning that he lost a significant amount of his capital to interest on debts he piled up while he waited (Zacks, p. 106).
Kidd's ship, the _Adventure Galley_, was still new; it was designed for it task and built in 1695. It was, by the standards of the time, quite an unusual vessel; in the century since the Spanish Armada had seen its oared vessels thoroughly out-maneuvered by the race-built English sailing ships, oared ships had almost disappeared from the seas. And the _Adventure Galley_ did have a full sailing rig -- but it also had oars, and was designed for rowing (Ritchie, p. 58; Zacks, p. 105). This would make it easier to maneuver in combat and close with a pirate, which was its purpose (Clifford, p. 6, calls it the "first ship ever built by the British to hunt pirates")  -- but it also probably resulted in a cramped, slow ship in ordinary conditions. And she was ill-equipped for sailing in the tropics, where wooden hulls were constantly under attack; her planking was thin, and there was no metal coat (Zacks, p. 119). One suspects, given how leaky she was, that the wood was also of low quality.
But she could certainly fight, being armed with over 30 cannon (32, according to Zacks, p. 9; 34, according to DictPirates, Paine, and Clifford, p. 45). On the other hand, Clifford seems to say that her guns were four-pounders -- very light artillery indeed; even field artillery was usually in the six-pound to twelve-pound range, and a ship of the line would carry 24-pounders or heavier. (On the other hand, Zacks, p. 119, believes at least some were sixteen-pounders.) Paine estimates her at 285 tons, DictPirates at 300; Zacks and Clifford give the improbably precise figure of 287 tons  -- a fairly large ship for  the time; even a ship of the line was generally under 1500 tons.
The problem was the crew. Given the naval crisis, Kidd was only allowed to take 70 men from England, and only half of them were permitted to be experienced sailors (Ritchie, pp. 58, 63; Zacks, pp. 105-106). This was more than enough to sail the vessel, but not nearly enough to fight her efficiently; for that, Kidd needed about 150 men. So it was decided that she would sail to his old stomping grounds in New York to pick up more crew. (In the process, Kidd showed some of the arrogance that would eventually get him in trouble; as he was leaving England, he refused to accord proper recognition to naval vessels. He nearly lost his ship as a result; Ritchie, p. 61, and did lose some of his better crew members; Zacks, pp. 107-108; Clifford, p. 50. Plus the whole business was starting to look pretty under-the-table; Zacks, pp. 106-107, thinks Kidd's backers were trying to get him out of the country fast so he could be out making money rather than get stuck in something as tedious as fighting off a French invasion fleet intent on restoring James II.)
My sources disagree about exactly what happened in New York. Ritchie says that the war with France had caused something of a depression in New York, making it easy to recruit crew.  But he was signing crewmen to the standard privateer's "no prey, no pay" contract: They received a percentage of the booty, but no other pay except in the event of injury (Ritchie, pp. 58-59). And, of course, a fairly high percentage of the profit had already been promised away to the people who financed the expedition (including that 10% promised to King William). Ritchie implies that this wasn't a problem; Kidd found his crew. But DictPirates says that Kidd promised 60% of the booty to his men, and 60% to his backers -- obviously not a possibility. Clifford, p. 36, also says the backers were promised 60%. Zacks, p. 14, has an even more extreme equation: All the crew combined were to be granted only a quarter of the booty; Clifford, p. 47, also says the crew would get only 25% (with no data on the other 15%) -- and notes that privateering crews usually would get 50% of the take. Since there were 150 men, a 25% share for the crew  meant 1 part in 600 for each man. So when Kidd, on the voyage over, captured a French vessel judged to be worth 350 pounds, each man would have gotten just over half a pound. Given the length of the voyage, that works out to pennies a day at best. Few sailors were interested.
Zacks, p. 14,  claims that Kidd then turned the arrangement on its head: The sailors would get 75%, the backers 25%. This, we note, was cheating the crown -- hardly a good idea. But, whatever Kidd did, he finally pulled together a crew -- though, according to Zacks, p. 16, quite a few of them were "known pirates."
One of the key members of this crew was William Moore, who was appointed gunner. This meant that he was responsible for training the ship's crew  in the proper handling and use of the ship's guns (Ritchie, p. 70). Zacks, p. 16, describes him as a known troublemaker, who had attacked his captain at age 18; he also spent time in prison in the Caribbean.  Zacks speculates that Kidd wanted a "belligerent" gunner.
On September 6, 1696, the _Adventure Galley_ left New York bound for Madeira, the first stop on the way around the Cape of Good Hope (Ritchie, pp. 69-70). In this period, he seems to have followed the rules against piracy scrupulously; he could have attacked several ships safely (Ritchie, page 70), but refrained when they proved to be from friendly countries. In fact, he gave one disabled British ship sails and a mast (Zacks, p. 24) that he would later sorely miss (Ritchie, p. 90).
He first found himself in trouble a little later, when he ran into a naval squadron in the South Atlantic commanded by Commodore Thomas Warren. The squadron had gotten lost, and suffered heavily from scurvy, and had been under-manned even before that; they wanted to requisition some of Kidd's crew (Clifford, pp. 62-63). Kidd managed to slip away (apparently by rowing when the fleet was becalmed; Clifford, p. 64)  -- but he didn't dare stop at the Cape of Good Hope, since that was where the fleet was headed. Needing supplies himself, and also facing an outbreak of scurvy, he set sail for Madagascar (Ritchie, pp. 77-79). The crew, who hated the idea of being impressed into the Navy, was probably thrilled. But Warren would remember being abandoned... (Zacks, p. 38).
Madagascar, at this time, was a haunt mostly of pirates; European attempts at colonization had largely failed (Ritchie, p. 82). And there was enough trade with India to support a fair number of predators. 
Kidd stopped at the island of Mohilla to careen his ship -- and lost about thirty of his men to disease (Ritchie, p. 91; Zacks, p. 120, describes it as bloody dysentery, and says about 40 men died). The tropics at this time were still very deadly for Europeans. Kidd managed to find a few replacements, but Ritchie hints (p. 92) that the new men were even rougher than the old; Clifford, p. 66, believes they were veteran pirates, and that they changed the feelings of the crew: The majority were now in favor of actual piracy.
This was most unfortunate. So far, the expedition had been a financial disaster: With no prizes taken since they left New York, Kidd would be in trouble with his bosses. And the absence of loot also made the crew restless. Clifford, p. 70, notes that at the end of her first year at sea, the men had made effectively nothing -- less than a piece of eight per man. Bryant, p. 35, writes, "As their search in the Indian ocean for pirates and booty proved futile, the crew became mutinous, demanding that the ship devote its time to a little pirating on its own account...." According to Ritchie, p. 94, "When Kidd rounded the horn [of Africa -- the region now known as Somalia] and turned due west into the Gulf of Aden, he was all but announcing he had turned pirate."  He first tried stalking an East India convoy, but it was too strong to attack (Ritchie, pp. 97-98).
By this time, the _Adventure Galley_ "was now 'leaky and rotten' and the men pumped water daily" (Ritchie, p. 99) -- this even though they had made several stops to careen and repair the ship. Between the loss of men, the hot weather, the lack of prizes, and the state of the ship, Ritchie is of the opinion that morale was terrible. Clifford, p. 69, says that a visitor to the ship saw a crew very disrespectful of their captain. Zacks, p. 127, notes that Kidd didn't have any authorization from anyone of importance in the Indian Ocean (e.g. the East India Company or one of the local Moslem rulers), so it was almost impossibly for him to visit a decent port; that can't have helped morale either. Under all these pressures, Kidd stopped an English ship in Indian waters. He took her captain hostage as a guide, and his men, by abusing the crew, managed to find a small amount of cash (Ritchie, pp. 99-100). It was a relatively minor act, but it was piracy.
And men were starting to jump ship (Ritchie, pp. 101-102). "Confronted with a desperate situation, Kidd had to do something quickly, and it appears he set out to make a big strike as fast as possible" (Ritchie, p. 102). He blundered into a fight with a small Portuguese squadron (Zacks, pp. 139-141), fled, then managed to capture the smaller Portuguese ship (which had out-sailed its larger companion; Ritchie, p. 103). This too was piracy, since Portugal was not at war with England -- though fighting a ship from a Catholic nation wasn't likely to get Kidd in trouble, and he could at least argue that the Portuguese started it.
By this time, reports of Kidd's piracy were common and very exaggerated (Zacks, pp. 142-143). Yet when Kidd met an actual English ship, the _Thankfull_, he once again let it pass (Ritchie, p. 104). And when he encountered an East India Company ship, the _Loyal Captain_, he again refused to attack her -- though the crew  wanted to seize the ship (Ritchie, p. 105; Clifford, p. 71; Zacks, p. 147, gives a substantial but undocumented account of how he faced the crew down).
It was in this context that the problem with William Moore arose. Moore had already caused a little trouble. When the _Adventure Galley_ overtook a small ship named _Mary_, Kidd had stopped her and spent much time talking to her captain in his cabin.  While his back was turned, members of the crew, including Moore, had ransacked the _Mary_. It didn't yield much, and according to Zacks, p. 134, Kidd actually made them return much of what they had taken (evidence that Kidd was not yet committed to piracy).  But refusing them even this small bit of booty can't have made the crew any happier.
Later, the _Adventure Galley_ spotted a Dutch ship, and Kidd refused to attack it. Moore was discussing with some of the crew how it might be taken. Kidd overheard and flew into a rage. "Moore... when called a 'lousy dog,' had the temerity to reply, 'If I am a lousy dog, 'tis you who have made me so! [Kidd] ...hit Moore such a smart blow on the head with a wooden bucket that next day the gunner died" (Bryant, p. 35; there are circumstantial accounts in Zacks, p. 149, and Clifford, pp. 72-74, though they do not entirely agree with the accounts in other sources. Certainly there is no authentic and contemporary record of what was said that day; all is from later recollection.)
If the description in Clifford, pp. 73-74, is correct, it sounds as if Kidd was formally in the right: Moore was openly mutinous. Properly, Kidd should have given orders for Moore's execution -- but this raises the possibility that his orders might not have been obeyed (according to Zacks, p. 148, the agreement Kidd had signed with his sailors gave him relatively limited; he had to get a vote of the men even to punish a mutineer!). It was a dreadful situation, thought Kidd's response was certainly unwise.
With the crew more upset than ever, Kidd finally got lucky -- or so he thought. Kidd's mistake arose in part because of the tendency at the time to fly false flags. Soon after, while himself flying French colors, he encountered a ship called the _Rupparell_ (Ritchie, pp. 106-107). He stopped the ship and tricked the captain into showing a French pass. The ship in fact wasn't French, but since she had passed herself off as such, Kidd felt entitled to take her. Finally his men earned something worth having -- it even gave him a second ship, which eventually was renamed the _November_. But it was rather a sharp bit of business.
It wasn't the last time false colors would get Kidd in trouble. It was on January 30, 1698 that they spotted the _Quedah Merchant_ (Ritchie, p. 108; the ship is sometimes called simply the _Quedagh_; so Herman, pp. 246-247, or  the _Quedagh Merchant_, Clifford, p. 84, contra Ritchie, Bryant, Paine, p. 6). It was quite a prize -- Zacks, p. 155, calculates it at at least fifty thousand pounds, or twice the amount supplied by Kidd's investors. Of course, there was also the crew to pay....
Since Kidd was flying a French flag, the _Quedah Merchant_ did the same, and sent over a French pass when called upon to show  her papers (Clifford, p. 84; Zacks, pp. 151-152). Kidd took her -- but in fact she was carrying Indian cloth. So he was arguably guilty of again attacking a British ship. Certainly a ship of a British ally. (According to Clifford, p. 86, he came to realize this, and later tried to return it, and Zacks, p. 156, says he tried to talk the crew  into not holding the ship. But this sounds like an after-the-fact apology to me.)
Worse, the ship had been under the control of Muklis Khan, a high official at the Indian court (Ritchie,p. 127; Clifford, pp. 134-135). Taking it didn't just cost the East India Company money; it got them in trouble with the locals they had to deal with. They were already in trouble with the locals, and struggling to maintain their monopoly (Ritchie, pp. 128-134); Kidd made their problems much worse. They would not forget -- and they wanted a scapegoat. Kidd apparently was the one chosen (Ritchie, p. 137; Clifford, p. 136).
It was about the end of his voyage. Already the ship had been out longer than he planned, and between the state of his ship, and the fact that everyone was after him, it would be hard to take another major prize. Kidd managed to pick up a few more small ships after the _Quedah Merchant_ (Ritchie, p. 109), meaning he by now had a small fleet at his disposal -- but only the _Adventure Galley_ was really a fighting ship. And she was no longer in fighting shape; her pumps were always active (manned mostly by slaves; Clifford, p. 85), and Ritchie, p. 110, thinks she was now  too slow to catch a merchantman. And she might not survive even a moderate storm (Ritchie, p. 111. It makes you wonder a bit about Kidd's ship-handling if he couldn't keep her in seaworthy shape for just two years. Though Zacks, p. 105, notes that she was built in five weeks and may not have been properly constructed and caulked.) 
Kidd took his motley fleet out of the Indian Ocean and headed for the pirate haunt of Madagascar. This is a noteworthy point, because if Kidd had really been trying to work with the authorities, he could have gone to a British port. (To be fair, every time he had tried that in India, he had gotten in trouble.) Instead, he arrived at the island of Saint Marie, off Madagascar, in April 1698, and assured the pirates who watched the entrance to the harbor that he was "as bad as they" (Ritchie, p. 116). It took some time for all his ships to arrive (Clifford, p.  120, says that the _Quedah Merchant_ arrived some five weeks after the _Adventure Galley_), but they all showed up eventually.
At this point the crew  insisted on a distribution of the spoils (Clifford, p. 121), and there was much grumbling at how much Kidd held back for his sponsors. The crew went to far as to loot one of their own smaller vessels, which ended up sinking (Ritchie, pp. 118-119).
The crew  did more than just take their money. They also quit. Maybe they were sick of Kidd, maybe they didn't think they were getting paid enough; maybe they just wanted more treasure. But a large majority (nearly 100 of the 117 remaining sailors, according to Ritchie, pp. 124-125) left Kidd to serve aboard the pirate ship _Resolution_, commanded by Robert Culliford. Ritchie describes it as if they just voted to quit, but Clifford, pp. 122-123, describes it in terms of mutiny: The men raided the property, threatened Kidd, and headed off to join Culliford. You have to give them a certain credit for foresight, because Culliford was to be very successful -- and even managed to cop a pardon when he arrived home. (This part of the story seems to have been pretty obscure; Firth, p. 348, thought Culliford followed Kidd to the gallows, as he probably should have.)
Whatever Kidd had hoped to do at this point, the loss of his crew meant he didn't have much choice now but to head for home; although he could and did recruit local slaves to do most of the shipboard work, he didn't have enough sailors to do any more fighting.
It also meant he had to give up on the leaky _Adventure Galley_, There wouldn't be enough men to man the pumps (Clifford, p. 124). The crew beached the ship, burned it to recover the relatively valuable iron fittings and cannon, and set out for New York in the former _Quedah Merchant_, now renamed the _Adventure Prize_ (Ritchie, p. 126). It was a curious decision: The loss of his specialized ship would surely not go over well with his backers, and the design of the _Adventure Prize_ was highly recognizable as an Indiaman (meaning that, unless Kidd had taken it from pirates, he must have captured it by his own piracy; Clifford, p. 124).
It was a while before he was able to sail, though we don't know the exact date (Ritchie, p. 160). Ritchie thinks that Kidd fabricated a narrative during this time to explain his deeds (cf. Clifford, p. 125): He admitted to taking two legal prizes, and beyond that, every action forced upon him had been at the behest of his crew. And he destroyed his log so it could not be used against him (Ritchie, p. 125; Clifford, p. 161, says Kidd claimed the crew stole it). Clifford, however, notes a major problem with this line of argument: Kidd still had a significant amount of loot (Clifford, pp. 145, 148). If the crew  had truly mutinied, would they have left him with so much? And could he, as he apparently claimed, have realized so much money for selling the fittings of the _Adventure Galley_ after she was abandoned (Clifford, p. 161)? Kidd, it seems to me, was on a cleft stick: If he came back with money, he was in trouble with the Crown; if he came back with none, he would answer to his investors. It is, perhaps, a measure of his devotion to his family that he came home at all.
While Kidd was gone, the laws against piracy, which previously had been difficult to enforce, had been made much stiffer (Ritchie, pp. 151-155, etc.). And Kidd's was only the first of many ships sent to stop the pirates (Ritchie, p. 159). The government might have forgiven mere failure; it would not forgive a privateer turned pirate. And, in fact, Kidd was officially declared a pirate at this time.
There are many rumors about Kidd's return voyage -- Clifford mentions stories of men murdered and a mutiny suppressed. There does not seem to be any hard evidence of this, and Kidd probably didn't have enough men for the costly mutiny described.
Kidd did not sail back directly to either England or New York; his first stop in the New World was the island of Anguilla, where he picked up water and some fresh food (Ritchie, p. 165). He then headed to the Dutch port of Saint Thomas, apparently to avoid the Royal Navy. After some more flitting around the Antilles, he sold his ship an some of his goods (Ritchie, pp. 166-167) and transferred to a vessel he bought, the _Saint Antonio_. The _Quedah Merchant_ was finally fired in the islands (Ritchie, p. 168).
Kidd then headed for New York, occasionally stopping along the coast to get rid of cargo, and apparently negotiating with Lord Bellomont, one of his original financial backers and now colonial governor. (Ritchie, pp. 177-180). His official post seemed to have done something to Bellomont's memory; he certainly did not welcome Kidd with open arms. He had an interesting problem: He could accept Kidd's account of what happened, take his share of Kidd's profits, and try to get Kidd a pardon for whatever crimes he was considered to have committed -- or he could turn Kidd in.
Ritchie, p. 180, estimates that Bellomont could make on the order of a thousand pounds for cooperating with Kidd, and on the order of 13,000 if he himself turned Kidd in. Plus he would strengthen his political position by making himself look tough on piracy (Clifford, pp. 156-157). A scrupulous man might have hesitated -- but a scrupulous man probably wouldn't have gotten tied up in Kidd's adventure anyway. As Kidd arrived to present his case to the colony's council, Bellomont had him seized (Ritchie, p. 182) and imprisoned in Boston (Ritchie, p. 183; Clifford, p. 162). So strictly was he guarded that not even his wife was allowed to see him (Clifford, p. 178)..
So great was government interest in making Kidd a symbol that a special ship was sent to transport him to England (Ritchie, p. 184), though it had to turn back before crossing the Atlantic (Ritchie, p. 185). He finally was sent to England in 1700 aboard the _Advice_ (Ritchie, p. 192). The trip being urgent, the ship sailed in winter, and a harsh winter at that (Clifford, p. 179), with the result that Kidd became very sick (Ritchie, p. 193). Clifford adds that he was kept in solitary confinement to make sure he didn't reveal any of his high-placed backers' embarrassing secrets.
By this time, Kidd had even been discussed in Parliament (Ritchie, p. 188-192) -- he came to be a pawn in the contest between Whigs and Tories (Ritchie, pp. 202-203).
In April, Kidd's testimony was taken by a Board of Examiners. He was asked to sign off on the transcript, then placed in solitary confinement in the notorious (and thoroughly unsanitary) Newgate Prison, unlike most other naval captives, who were sent to Marshalsea (Ritchie, pp. 196-199). His confinement nearly killed him; after a while, he had to be granted somewhat more liberty to keep him alive (Ritchie, pp. 200-201). After a time, he was called upon to testify before Parliament.  What he said is unfortunately not recorded, since the MPs eventually washed their hands of him (Clifford, p. 181), but it ended with him being ordered to stand trial (Ritchie, pp. 203-205).
It wasn't much of a trial; it lasted only two days: May 8-9, 1701 (Ritchie, p. 206). Under the rules of the time, Kidd was not given a lawyer (Ritchie, p. 206). Nor was he given full access to the documents used against him; the government did give him access to some, but others that might have helped his cause could not be found, and Kidd was given no help in searching for them (Ritchie, p. 208).
Kidd was charged with piracy and murder, and was tried along with several others accused simply of piracy. (Ritchie, p. 211, who notes that the "judges were activists -- in Kidd's case, active on the side of the prosecution").
The trial did not, however, proceed according to the script, because the procedures of the time required a prisoner to plead innocent or guilty first, without benefit of a lawyer or anything else. Kidd didn't want to play this game; he wanted details of the case, and assistance, before entering a plea (hardly unfair, given that he had not been given particulars of the charges against him! -- Ritchie, p. 212). After much jousting, and being informed that not pleading was equivalent to a guilty plea, he gave in and said "not guilty" -- which meant that the trial could proceed and Kidd's needs basically ignored (Ritchie, p. 213).
Kidd was tried initially for the murder of William Moore (Ritchie, pp. 213-216; Clifford, p. 198, notes that the indictment charged him with murder with "malice aforethought" -- i.e. first degree murder, which of course was absurd). Kidd could hardly contest that Moore was dead; his arguments were that he had the right to discipline his sailors (which was true, and the discipline could even include death, particularly in the case of mutiny) -- yet, at the same time, that he was sorry Moore had died. But witnesses were presented showing that Moore was not engaged in mutiny at the time Kidd killed him, and that Kidd killed him in passion. Kidd disputed this (Clifford, p. 210), but was told "You will not infer that if he was a mutineer it was lawful for you to kill Moore" (Clifford, p. 213). Since this was the basis of Kidd's defence, he hadn't much to say after that. He tried again to make is point during the summary made by one of the justices, and that was what we would call the instructing of the jury. But further statements by the defence were not allowed.
The first jury then left to decide Kidd's fate. A second jury was empaneled, and proceeded to try Kidd and others for piracy, primarily with regard to the _Quedah Merchant_. The jury was still hearing the charges when, after only about an hour, the first jury returned and convicted Kidd (Ritchie, p. 217; Clifford, p. 214). There was no appeals process, except for the King's mercy. Nonetheless, Kidd continued his defence on the other charge. Kidd offered his privateering commission, information about the false passes offered by the _Quedah Merchant's_ crew, and other evidence; some of the others on trial tried to claim that they had been under the King's pardon (Ritchie, p. 218-219).
Unfortunately for Kidd, much of his defence rested on the French passes offered by the _Quedah Merchant_ and other ships, and Kidd had given them to Lord Bellomont, and Bellomont wasn't about to given them back (Clifford, pp. 199-200).
The second jury came back even faster than the first one; in half an hour, Kidd had received his second conviction of a capital crime, and all but three of the others their first.
That still left two counts of piracy, meaning two more juries were empaneled and the trial went on. The result, of course, was more convictions, and finally the sentence (Ritchie, p. 220). When asked to give a reason why he should not die, all Kidd could reply was, "I have nothing to say, but that I have been sworn against by perjured and wicked people." All were sentenced to death (Ritchie, p. 220).
By modern standards, it was an absurdly unfair trial -- though it was not atypical of the justice of the day.
On May 10, King William III -- who earlier had held a share in Kidd's venture -- approved the death sentence (Ritchie, pp. 220-221). The execution was scheduled for May 23, 1701.
Kidd did try one more trick: He claimed to have a large sum hidden in the West Indies, and appealed to Robert Harley, Speaker of the House, and others to set him free to recover it for them (Ritchie, p. 221). The appeal went nowhere. Its main effect was to start a legend of buried gold that people keep hunting for (Ritchie, p. 232); indeed, it eventually gave rise to the whole notion of treasure maps and such, as exemplified in books such as _Treasure Island_. But Kidd's voyage did not take enough prizes to produce such a vast treasure (Ritchie, p. 238, has a list of other captains who earned far greater sums), and much of what he did take was recovered by the authorities (Ritchie, pp. 230-231). Ironically, British justice was so inefficient that Coji Babba, the many whose complaints against Kidd made the East India Company so angry at him, was unable to get satisfaction for his claim (Ritchie, p. 232).
It seems pretty clear that Kidd genuinely believed in his innocence; unlike most of the other pirates, he refused spiritual consolation  and adamantly maintained his innocence (Ritchie, p. 225). The ordinary (chaplain) of Newgate was still after him for a confession as he started on his way to the gallows. He didn't give it. Herman, p. 247, reports that Kidd was thoroughly drunk when hanged (cf. Ritchie, p. 225, Clifford, p. 240) -- but still managed a thoroughly defiant proclamation of his innocence (Ritchie, p. 226; Clifford, p. 243). Luckily for him, this apparently didn't take long enough for him to sober up, since the first rope used to hang him broke (Paine, p. 7; according to Clifford, p. 244, the hangman was also drunk). Kidd fell dazed to the ground, supposedly finally repented, then was successfully re-stretched (Ritchie, p. 226; Clifford, pp. 244-245). From Wapping, his body was taken to the side of the Thames and tied into its gibbet (Ritchie, p. 227).
Ironically, the man who had gotten Kidd into most of his trouble, Lord Bellomont, had died weeks earlier, on March 5 (Ritchie, p. 229), though apparently word of this did not reach London until after Kidd's death. Bellomont had for a time imprisoned Mrs. Kidd, but she managed to regain her freedom, and even remarried; she lived until 1744 (Ritchie, p. 229).
Ritchie, p. 2, reports that a ballad about Kidd's death circulated immediately, but it is not clear which song is meant. Clifford, p. 245, quotes a broadside which is clearly this song, though not much like the common versions of the song. Not that it's much more accurate (e.g. it includes the error "Robert Kidd").
Versions of this song often print a line such as "Now to execution('s) dock I must go, I must go." This should read "Execution Dock"; Execution Dock was a place in Wapping where pirates were often hung (Zacks, p. 2). Clifford notes the irony that it was within sight of the spot where the _Adventure Galley_ started its ill-fated voyage (Clifford, p. 245).
Rumors about wealth left hidden by Kidd have of course been many, and the source of a lot of the pirate legends we know today. Poe's "The Gold Bug," for instance, is about decoding a message leading to Kidd's hidden gold (though it strikes me as almost impossible -- Kidd does not strike me as literate enough to produce Poe's message). But, as Clifford notes on p. 260, despite many hunts, "no gold was ever found" from Kidd's alleged buried treasure.
Clifford's book, which was published in 2003, is about the hunt for the wreck of the _Adventure Galley_ at Saint Marie. Roughly half the book is about Kidd's history (and seems to feature no original research, though he uses sources I haven't seen); the other half is about the search for the ship -- or, rather, mostly about the fights Clifford had with the Madagascar government to get permits to search. In the end, Clifford found what he thinks was the _Adventure Galley_ (though the evidence he offers seems to me to fall slightly short of proof). There doesn't seem to have been anything of great value left on the ship, either, though Clifford's search was brief due to all those problems with the government.
You have to wonder, a little, if Britain knew what it was starting. Piracy in Kidd's day was still relatively gentlemanly, with pirates simply after wealth. But starting around the time of his death, nearly every country renounced it. Only in the eighteenth century did pirates start to fly the skull and crossbones, meaning that they truly had no allegiance to anyone, while England and other countries devoted significant naval forces to stopping pirates (Ritchie, pp. 234-238). Their success was, for a time, limited -- but the rise of steamers and the need for a coaling port meant the effective end of piracy by the mid-nineteenth century. (Though, ironically, it is reviving now, when oil is easy to divert to pirate ships.)
Modern debate about Kidd has, it seems to me, been rather irrelevant to the issue of how we should view Kidd, because most of it is, well, modern. Was he guilty of piracy by the standards of the day? Pretty definitely yes. But did he regard himself as a pirate? Probably not -- even his most extreme actions were done under pressure from the crew.  I would have to say that he deserved some punishment, but hardly death. On the other hand, there were few punishments except death at this time....
>>BIBLIOGRAPHY<<
Bryant: Samuel W. Bryant, _The Sea and the States: A Maritime History of the American People_, Crowell, 1947
Clifford: Barry Clifford with Paul Perry, _Return to Treasure Island and the Search for Captain Kidd_, Morrow, 2003
Cordingly: David Cordingly, _Under the Black Flag: The Romance and the Reality of Life Among the Pirates_, 1995 (I use the 1997 Harcourt Brace edition)
DictPirates:Jan Rogozinsky, _Pirates_, Facts on File, 1995 (reprinted 1997 by Wordsworth as _The Wordsworth Dictionary of Pirates_; this is the edition I used). References are to the article on [Captain William] Kidd.
Firth: C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907 (available on Google Books).
Herman: Arthur Herman, _To Rule the Waves_, 2004; (I use the 2005 Harper Perennial edition)
Paine: Lincoln P. Paine, _Ships of the World_, Houghton Mifflin, 1997. References are to the article on the _Adventure Galley_.
Ritchie: Robert C. Ritchie, _Captain Kidd and the War against the Pirates_, Harvard University Press, 1986
Rodger: N. A. M. Rodger, _The Safeguard of the Sea: A Naval History of Britain 660-1649_ (1997; I use the 1999 Norton edition)
Zacks: Richard Zacks, _The Pirate Hunter: The True Story of Captain Kidd_, Theia, 2002 - RBW
File: LK35
===
NAME: Captain Old Blue
DESCRIPTION: The singer warns the sheriff not to bother "Captain Old Blue." The song describes the various outlaws who work in the Snake River area 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1964 (apparently mentioned in an article by Harry Oster)
KEYWORDS: outlaw moniker police
FOUND_IN: US(Ro)
REFERENCES: ()

ST PrivCOBl (Partial)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Dreary Black Hills" (tune)
NOTES: David Wahl sent me a copy of this text, along with discussion by those who knew it. It does not appear to have been published in any collection, but apparently made it into oral tradition in eastern Oregon and Idaho.
Newell Stubblefield wrote to the _Idaho Farmer_ magazine about the piece, saying that it was written by the father of one John Bare.
"Old Blue" was apparently an outlaw named Bruce Evans, who was active in Wallowa County, Oregon in the 1880s. He committed several murders, was apprehended, but escaped from prison and was not found again. - RBW
File: PrivCOBl
===
NAME: Captain Osborn
DESCRIPTION: "There was once a gay maiden, Her name was fair Kate. She traveled the Big Waters Both early and lave." Many court her; she loves only Captain Osborn. But he speaks in anger, and her love turns cold. He is married and has a daughter anyway
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939 (Thomas)
KEYWORDS: courting river children music
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Thomas-Makin', pp. 33-34, (no title) (1 text, probably somewhat confused)
File: ThMa033
===
NAME: Captain Robert Kidd: see Captain Kidd [Laws K35] (File: LK35)
===
NAME: Captain Shepherd
DESCRIPTION: Captain Shepherd sails to St Pierre. In a storm he stops at Bonne Bay where he is turned in for smuggling liquor. The police find no evidence. Shepherd gets another schooner. The singer hopes this fall "dis brave, undaunted man will have a drop to sell"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (Leach-Labrador)
KEYWORDS: crime sea ship drink police
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Leach-Labrador 83, "Captain Shepherd" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST LLab083 (Partial)
Roud #9977
NOTES: Leach-Labrador: "It is a local song of the Prohibition era ... St Pierre: an island off the southeast coast of Newfoundland belonging to France. During prohibition it became a wholesale warehouse supplying rum-runners all along the coast." - BS
File: LLab083
===
NAME: Captain Strachan
DESCRIPTION: "Here's a health to Captain Strachan" and his men. Three leagues from Aladdin Strachan sees the 36-gun frigate Moselle with 500 men out of Marseille. In the battle they board the Moselle, hoist the English colors and take the prize to Gibraltar.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1958 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: battle navy war
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, pp. 990-991, "Captain Strachan" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9814
NOTES: Speculation! This seems to be about the Napoleonic Wars. Admiral Sir Richard Strachan -- pronounced Strawn -- one of Nelson's sea captains, engaged in a number of important battles.
On November 2, 1805, in _Caesar_ with eight other ships, [Strachan] captured four French warships that had escaped from Cadiz into the Bay of Biscay after the Battle of Trafalgar. The ships -- the _Duguay-Trouin,_ _Formidable,_ _Mont Blanc,_ and _Scipion_ -- were taken to Gibraltar (source: Houghton Mifflin Ships of the World site re HMS _Implacable_ [the British renamed _Duguay-Trouin_ "Implacable"]; 1911 Edition Encyclopedia site re Trafalgar; _Decision at Trafalgar_ by Dudley Pope,p. 92).
That seems likely to be the battle intended here. But there are problems with this speculation: (1) There is only one French warship in the ballad and the warships named Moselle during the Napoleonic wars were British, not French, with 24 and 18 guns) (source: PlusNet webspace site re Index of 19th Century Naval Vessels) (2) The battle seems to take place outside Marseille -- that is, in the Mediterranean -- rather than at Cap/Cabo Ortegal at the northwest corner of the Iberian peninsula.
This battle is the only reference to Strachan in _The Naval Achievements of Great Britain, From the Year 1793 to 1817_ by James Jenkins; there are no references there to Moselle.  A quick scan of the London Times for the period of the Napoleonic Wars turned up no clues and no references to Crockett, Captain Strachan's second in command for the ballad.
As for the site of the battle "three leagues from Alladin" that is most likely a corruption of a real or imagined place on the Mediterranean coast of Africa.
Maybe this ballad is putting a positive spin on an attempted blockade of Rochefort by Strachan in 1808.  In this case one French ship was crippled in a gale and returned to Rochefort but the other French ships made it safely to Toulon. This story ends near Marseille but Strachan's part takes place even farther north than his 1805 battle. Source: _Britannia Rules_ by C. Northcote Parkinson (Sutton, 1992) p. 135.   
It would be nice to have a broadside for this one that might resolve the conflicts. Incidentally, Admiral Strachan's adversary in the Bay of Biscay after Trafalgar was Admiral Villeneuve [the loser at Trafalgar - RBW]; Roud's broadside database cites "Captain Villineuve's Whimsical and Laughable Tale" starting "Long had Gallia been forc'd by Britannia to bow" which may refer to that battle or may not -- he was on the losing side of a number of other important battles -- or may have nothing to do with this Villeneuve at all. - BS
In addition to the Strachan references cited above, he also figures in "Admiral Strachan's Victory," on p. 304 of C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907 (available on Google Books). It refers to another fight by Strachan, on November 4 of an unnamed year. - RBW
File: Pea990
===
NAME: Captain Thompson
DESCRIPTION: The singer boards Captain Thompson's ship Fame to America. They escape stormy seas and "a mount of ice" off Newfoundland and land safely at Quebec. He thinks of Ireland and hopes to see his family again "and live together peacefully in love and liberty"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1965 (OLochlainn-More)
KEYWORDS: emigration separation sea ship ordeal Canada Ireland family
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
OLochlainn-More 72A, "Captain Thompson" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2373
File: OLcM072A
===
NAME: Captain Ward and the Rainbow [Child 287]
DESCRIPTION: Captain Ward asks the king to grant him a place to rest. The king will not grant a place to any pirate (though Ward claims never to have attacked an English ship), and commissions the (Rainbow) to deal with Ward. Ward defeats the Rainbow
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1733 (broadside, Bodleian Douce Ballads 1(80b))
KEYWORDS: ship pirate battle royalty
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: c. 1604-c. 1609 - Career of Captain John Ward. A fisherman from Kent, Ward's first notable act was his capture of a royal vessel in 1604.
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(West),Scotland(Aber)) Canada(Mar,Newf) US(MW,NE,SE) Ireland
REFERENCES: (18 citations)
Child 287, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (1 text)
Bronson 287, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (11 versions)
Greig #128, p. 2, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow"; Greig #114, p. 3; Greig #117, pp. 2-3 (3 texts) 
GreigDuncan1 39, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (3 texts, 2 tunes) {A=Bronson's #8, B=#6}
Ranson, pp. 49-50, "Saucy Ward" (1 text)
BarryEckstormSmyth pp. 347-363, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (2 texts plus a fragment and a version from the Forget-me-not Songster and a possibly-rewritten broadside, 2 tunes, plus extensive notes on British naval policy) {Bronson's #9, #10}
Flanders/Olney, pp. 204-206, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #11}
Flanders/Brown, pp. 242-244, "Captain Ward and the Rain-Bow" (1 text from the Green Mountain Songster)
Flanders-Ancient4, pp. 264-270 "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (2 texts, 1 tune, the first text being the Green Mountain Songster version)
Gardner/Chickering 83, "Captain Ward" (1 text)
Peacock, pp. 840-841, "Captain Ward" (1 text, 1 tune)
Chappell-FSRA 22, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (1 text)
Leach, pp. 670-673, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 362, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (1 text)
Logan, pp. 1-10, "Captain Ward" (1 text)
BBI, ZN949, "Gallants you must understand"; ZN2410, "Strike up you lusty Gallants"
DT 287, WRDRNBOW* WRDNBW2*
ADDITIONAL: C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907 (available on Google Books), p. 30, "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" (1 text)
ST C287 (Full)
Roud #224
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Douce Ballads 1(80b), "A Famous Sea-Fight Between Captain Ward and the Rainbow" ("Strike up ye lusty gallants)", T. Norris (London), 1711-1732; also Harding B 4(107), "A Famous Sea-Fight Between Captain Ward and the Rainbow"; Harding B 4(108), "A Famous Sea Fight Between Captain Ward and the Rainbow"; Firth c.12(8), "Famous Sea Fight Between Capt. Ward and the Gallant Rainbow"; Harding B 11(831), "Capt. Ward and the Rainbow" ("Come all you English seamen with courage beat your drums"); Firth c.12(6), "Captain Ward"; 2806 c.16(334), Harding B 11(4034), Firth c.12(7), "Ward the Pirate[!]"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Outlaw Murray" [Child 305] (theme)
cf. "Sir Andrew Barton" [Child 167] (theme)
SAME_TUNE:
Captain Ward (per broadside Bodleian Douce Ballads 1(80b))
The Wild Rover (per broadside Bodleian Firth c.12(6))
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Jolly Mariner
NOTES: Compare with this broadside for a different ballad on the same subject: Bodleian, Wood 402(39), "The Seamans Song of Captain Ward, the Famous Pyrate of the World, and an English[man] Born" ("Gallants you must understand"), F. Coles (London), 1655-1658; also Douce Ballads 2(199a), Wood 401(79), "The Seamans Song of Captain Ward, the Famous Pyrate of the world and an English Man Born" - BS
Although the "historical" Captain Ward was active during the reign of Britain's King James I, the context sounds more like that in the time of Charles I. The religious and political situation, as well as financial interests, dictated that Charles should have been allied with the Protestants of the Netherlands and Germany against Spain -- but instead Charles implicitly supported Spain while quarreling with the Dutch about herring fishing.
The result was an undeclared war between many of Charles's sailors and Spain. And many of the fighters, like Ward or the later Captain Kidd, thought right was on their side. Indeed, the Earl of Warwick was creating a group of pirates who were carefully trained according to Calvinist principles -- Puritan raiders (see Arthur Herman, _Tp Rule the Waves_, p. 157f.)
This would also explain why the king was trying to crack down: Piracy had gotten completely out of hand in his father's reign. Robert C. Ritchie, _Captain Kidd and the War Against the Pirates_ (Harvard, 1986), p. 140, writes, "Only the most inept pirates ended their lives on the gallows during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The nadir of English concern and ability to control piracy came during the reign of James I. Taking no special price in the Royal Navy and abhorring the expenses generated by the fleet, James sold some of his ships and let most of the others rot at the docks. The resulting growth of piracy in and around English waters caused the Dutch to request permission to send their ships into English waters to attack the brigands. Bereft of means to do the jobs, James acquiesed." 
Barry et al, however, try to relate the whole thing to the politics of James I -- and to the opposition to that king. Of course, Charles I generated even more opposition, and talking about events in his father's reign might make the discussion slightly safer.
The Wordsworth _Dictionary of Pirates_ (I'm not kidding, there is such a thing) gives Ward's dates as 1553-1623; he was imprisoned for piracy in England in 1602, impressed in 1603, turned pirate, and took to the Mediterranean. In 1606, he took service with the ruler of Tunis. In 1607, his fleet suffered a series of setbacks. He may have tried to buy a pardon from the King of England, but the idea failed. He turned to Islam and lived more or less happily ever after. 
If we accept that Ward was active at the very start of the reign of James I, that gives us still another scenario, which ties in with the death of Elizabeth I and the accession of James I. Elizabeth of course spent much of her reign at war with Spain; famous incidents in this war were the voyage of the Spanish Armada and Drake's circumnavigation of the globe. Semi-official piracy was one of Elizabeth's key weapons against the Spanish; her ships captured Spanish treasure ships and interfered with Spain's attempts to build a stronger navy.
But all wars come to an end. Ritchie, p. 13, notes that peace was made with Spain in 1603, the year James I succeeded to the English throne. And suddenly English privateers who had been attacking the Spanish had to become either unlicensed pirates or join someone else's service. If Ward kept raiding the Spanish after peace was made, that might explain the King's attitude toward him.
The comment about the captain being king upon the sea does date to the reign of James I -- but, according to N. A. M. Rodger's _The Safeguard of the Seas_, p. 349 (see also Herman, p. 144), it was not made by Ward but by one Peter Easton (or Eston). Easton, who took over the pirate fleet of Richard Bishop in 1611, did so much damage that he was offered a pardon in 1612, refused it, saying, "I am, in a way, a king myself." The next year, he was offered a lordship in Spain, which he took. - RBW
Greig #114 (before Greig recognized this as a "Captain Ward and the Rainbow" fragment): "... a ballad about Wallace and the Red Reiver...." The reference is to the 1298 capture of the pirate Richard Longoville, a.k.a. the Red Reiver, by William Wallace (see the Wikipedia article "William Wallace"). - BS
File: C287
===
NAME: Captain Webster
DESCRIPTION: Webster wishes to marry a poor girl, but his parents tell him that he must marry a wealthy woman. The young man bids farewell to his sweetheart, then kills himself. Parents are warned against placing undue emphasis on money
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1968 (recording, Sara Cleveland)
KEYWORDS: suicide love money poverty mother father
FOUND_IN: US(MA)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
ADDITIONAL: _Sing Out_ magazine, Volume 21, #2 (1972), p, 14, "Captain Webster" (1 text, 1 tune, the Sara Cleveland version)
Roud #5713
RECORDINGS:
Sara Cleveland, "Captain Webster" (on SCleveland01)
NOTES: The notes to the Sara Cleveland record suggest that this is a localization of a British original, though the editor (Kenneth S. Goldstein) cannot suggest an original. I have to agree; the feeling is old, but I cannot locate a true forerunner of the piece. - RBW
File: RcCapWeb
===
NAME: Captain Wedderburn's Courtship [Child 46]
DESCRIPTION: (Captain Wedderburn) sees a fair lady, and wishes to sleep with her. She takes an instant dislike to him, and will consent only if he can answer her riddles. He answers them, and the two are wed.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1783 (New British Songster)
KEYWORDS: courting riddle marriage contest
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland) US(Ap,MA,MW,NE,NW,SE) Canada(Mar,Newf) Ireland Australia
REFERENCES: (23 citations)
Child 46, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (3 texts, 1 tune) {Bronson's #8}
Bronson 46, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (26 versions)
BarryEckstormSmyth pp. 93-99, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (2 texts plus 2 fragments, one of which might be "Riddles Wisely Expounded" or something else, 2 tunes; all the texts are rather damaged and even the full ones consist mostly of the riddles); p. 451 (1 tune) {B.II=Bronson's #12, C=#9; the tune on p. 451 is #17}
Flanders/Olney, pp. 43-46, "A Strange Proposal" (1 text)
Flanders-Ancient1, pp. 299-315, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (3 texts plus two fragments, 5 tunes; the "A" text and the F fragment and tune are mixed with "Riddles Wisely Expounded" (Child 1) and the "I" and II" texts and tunes are "I Gave My Love a Cherry")
Creighton/Senior, pp. 21-25, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (3 texts, 3 tunes) {Bronson's #19, #20, #21} 
Creighton-Maritime, p. 6, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (1 text, 1 tune)
Gardner/Chickering 48, "Mr. Woodburn's Courtship" (2 texts, 2 tunes; the "B" text is short and in the first person; it shows signs of deliberate modification) {Bronson's #24, #15}
Leach, pp. 158-162, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (3 texts)
Leach-Labrador 3, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (1 text, 1 tune)
Karpeles-Newfoundland 6, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Creighton-NovaScotia 3, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #22}
Mackenzie 4, "Six Questions" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #13}
Friedman, p. 137, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (2 texts, but the second is "I Gave My Love a Cherry")
FSCatskills 124, "The Rich Merchant's Daughter" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ord, pp. 416-420, "The Laird o' Roslin's Daugher, or, Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #6}
DBuchan 48, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (1 text)
TBB 1, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (1 text)
SHenry H681, p. 490, "The Keeper of the Game" (1 text, 1 tune)
Munnelly/Deasy-Lenihan 44, "Mister Woodburren" (1 text, 1 tune)
Meredith/Covell/Brown, pp. 152-153, "The Chicken and the Bone" (1 text, 1 tune)
Abrahams/Foss, pp. 53-55, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #17}
DT 46, CAPWEDER* THREESIX*
Roud #36
RECORDINGS:
Willy Clancy, "The Song of the the Riddles" (on Voice01)
Logan English, "Bold Robington's Courtship" (on LEnglish01)
Seamus Ennis, "Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (on FSB4)
Warde Ford, "Many Questions/Captain Wedderburn's Courtship" (AFS 4196B, 1938; in AMMEM/Cowell) {Bronson's #26}
Pat MacNamara, "Mr Woodburren's Courtship" (on IRClare01)
Thomas Moran, "Captain Woodburn (Wedderburn's Courtship)" (on FSBBAL1)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 25(1143), "Lord Roslin's Daughter's Courtship," Stephenson (Gateshead), 1821-1850
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "I Gave My Love a Cherry"
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Devil and the Blessed Virgin Mary
NOTES: Many versions of this song tell a rather confused story, with the following plot outline:
1. Captain Wedderburn sees the Laird o' Roslin's daughter and says, more or less, "Gotta have her"
2. He asks her to marry him; she says, "No; it's time for supper."
3. Immediately upon turning him down, she gets on his horse, goes to his lodging-house, and prepares to go to bed with him.
4. Pause: The lady says, "Before I do this, you have to answer my questions." She proceeds with the riddle game.
5. Captain Wedderburn answers the riddles, and they are married.
It will be evident that steps 4 and 5, as they are found in these texts, should precede step 3.
It's also worth noting that the lady's riddles seem to be older than the song itself (the riddles are found in "I Gave My Love a Cherry," which as "I Have a Yong Suster" dates to 1430 or earlier).
My suggestion was that steps 4 and 5 were a later addition to the song. Alternately, the song has become disordered. Don Duncan counter-proposes that the song is a rape ballad -- she is forced on the horse, and to the lodging-house, and the riddles are her last attempt at a defense. The happy ending is a later touch-up.
None of this can be proved, and none of the suggestions is altogether convincing. But it is not unlikely that the song has changed its form somewhere along the line.
Because scholars so often confound this with "I Gave My Love a Cherry," one should see that song also for the complete list of songs sometimes associated with this ballad.
Another curiosity concerns the name "Wedderburn." This is an old Scottish name (consider the author of the _Complaynt of Scotland_) -- but the _Oxford Companion to British History_, in its thousand large pages of biographies, lists only one Wedderburn, that being Alexander Wedderburn (1733-1805).
Don Cook, in _The Long Fuse: How England Lost the American Colonies, 1760-1785_, sketches him on pages 183-184: he "had a quick mind and was known as one of the most intelligent, formidable debaters in Parliament.... At the same time, he was one of the nastiest, most unscrupulous, most ambitious politicians of the time.... He grew up in Edinburgh and began his career in the Scottish law. Handling a case in court at age twenty-four, he became so abusive of the court president... that an apology was demanded by the entire bench. Instead, Wedderburn withdrew from the Scots bar and decamped for London.... Lord North decided politically that it would be better if Wedderburn... were inside the government rather than in opposition. For his part, Wedderburn was not inhibited by principles and could readily lend his debating talents to any side of any question. He was appointed solicitor general."
That was in 1771. In 1778, he became attorney-general. Eventually, tempted by Pitt, he joined the government as Lord Chancellor, finally retiring with an earldom in 1801. He wasn't very nice, either -- Stanley Weintraub, _Iron Tears: America's Battle for Freedom, Britain's Quagmire: 1775-1783_, Free Press, 2005, p. 35, tells of him questioning Benjamin Franklin for an hour and a half -- and keeping the 68-year-old Franklin standing the whole time. Weintraub, p. 126, also mentions that he nearly fought a duel over a simple remark about politics.
Unscrupulous enough for this song, obviously, but he was never a captain, and since ÒCaptain Wedderburn" was circulating by 1783, he can't have been the original subject, right?
Well, sure, but there is one other thing. To what earldom did George III appoint him in 1801? The earldom of -- Rosslyn. (So, at least, the _Oxford Companion_, which in general I have found to be reliable; Weintraub, p. 345, says he became "1st Earl Loughborough in 1801"). - RBW
File: C046
===
NAME: Captain Went Below, The
DESCRIPTION: "O, the captain went below, For to light the cabin lamp, But he couldn't light the lamp Because the wick was too damn' damp, Heave-ho, you sons of glory, The Golden Gates are passed."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1948 (Shay)
KEYWORDS: sea travel
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Shay-SeaSongs, p. 125, (no title) (1fragment)
Roud #9637
File: ShaS125A
===
NAME: Captain William Jackman, A Newfoundland Hero
DESCRIPTION: "The fierce winds blow among the cliffs Of rugged Labrador." Jackman is on the beach in a snowstorm and hears cries from a wreck on a reef "some hundred fathoms from shore." He swims to the wreck 27 times and rescues all on board.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1904 (Murphy, Songs of Our Land, Old Home Week Souvenir)
KEYWORDS: rescue storm wreck
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Oct 9, 1867 - The Loon/Sea Clipper wreck
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Greenleaf/Mansfield 145, "Captain William Jackman, A Newfoundland Hero" (1 text)
Ryan/Small, pp. 29-31, "A Newfoundland Hero" (1 text)
ST GrMa145 (Partial)
Roud #6349
NOTES: The site for the Captain William Jackman Memorial Hospital in Labrador City states "On October 9, 1867, during the worst storm of the decade, two ships collided. The Loon quickly sank and The Sea Clipper was able to save the passengers and crew of the smaller ship. Soon the strong gales drove the injured ship into a reef near Spotted Island, Labrador. Twenty-seven people on-board were in peril of their lives.
Captain Jackman was visiting the island and as [he] and his host went for an evening walk, they noticed the troubled ship. Few people knew how to swim in that day; however, Jackman was an avid swimmer. He made 27 trips through the cold October waters and each time brought a survivor to shore. The storm had claimed 42 ships and 40 lives; however, all were saved from The Sea Clipper because of the exploits of Captain Jackman." 
Greenleaf/Mansfield has the date as October 29, 1866 and notes that Jackman's "health was broken. Queen Victoria sent him a medal." [The _Dictionary of Canadian Biography_ notes that Jackman, born in 1837, died at the age of 39. - RBW]
The October 9, 1867 date is confirmed by Northern Shipwrecks Database 2002. - BS
File: GrMa145
===
NAME: Captain with His Whiskers, The: see O! They Marched Through the Town (The Captain with His Whiskers) (File: Wa069)
===
NAME: Captain's Apprentice, The: see Captain James (The Captain's Apprentice) (File: SWMS054)
===
NAME: Captain's Lady (I), The
DESCRIPTION: Small boats land in Wild Bay among Blacks; the crews, including the captain's lady, are captured, stripped, and driven. Joseph, a Black slave crewman, saves them. He is freed, and the captain's lady returns safely to London.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1958 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: captivity return escape sea ship slavery Black(s) rescue
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, pp. 775-776, "The Captain's Lady" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9799
NOTES: Not to be confused with the Burns fragment of the same name. - RBW
File: Pea775
===
NAME: Captains and Ships
DESCRIPTION: "To Harvey's I'll start and to Bowring's I'll go, I'll name all the ships and the captains also." He names ships, captains, and companies, and wishes them all good luck.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1951 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: moniker commerce fishing sea ship work nonballad
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Doyle3, p. 19, "Captains and Ships" (1 text, 1 tune)
Peacock, pp. 865-866, "Captains and Ships" (1 text, 1 tune)
Blondahl, pp. 97-98, "Captains and Ships" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ryan/Small, pp. 76-77, "Captains and Ships" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST Doyl3019 (Partial)
Roud #7291
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Some Ships in Port" (catalog of ships)
File: Doyl3019
===
NAME: Capture and Destruction of Sebastopol: see Sebastopol (Old England's Gained the Day; Capture and Destruction of Sebastopol; Cheer, Boys, Cheer) (File: SmHa041)
===
NAME: Car Ferry Marquette and Bessemer No. 2
DESCRIPTION: "Loud roared the dreadful doomday And stormy was the night When the car ferry Bessemer 2nd Left the port called Canneaut. With two and twenty sailors...." "Let us all unite together... for the loved ones We will never see again." Captain and others die
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1933 (collected from William E. Clark by Walton)
KEYWORDS: death storm ship wreck
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Dec 7(?), 1909 - loss of the _Marquette and Bessemer No. 2_
FOUND_IN: US(MA)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Walton/Grimm/Murdock, p. 223, "The Car Ferry Marquette and Bessemer No. 2" (1 fragment)
NOTES: Details about this particular shipwreck seem rather fuzzy. All the sources I've checked agree that the ship involved was very strong, and still fairly new. Most ships avoid the Lakes in December, but this particular vessel was thought strong enough to stand up to even a December storm. Yet she disappeared in 1909, and there is no real information on what happened to her. The wreck has not been located, and is considered one of the most sought-after of the lost ships of the Great Lakes.
Beyond that, accounts differ slightly. William A. Ratigan's _Great Lakes Shipwrecks & Survivals_ (revised edition, Eerdmans, 1977), p. 232, calls the ship the _Bessemer & Marquette No. 2_, an says it set out from Conneaut, Ohio to Port Stanley, Ontario on December 9, 1909. He says that 36 crewmen were lost.
Bruce D. Berman, _Encyclopedia of American Shipwrecks_ (Mariner's Press, 1972), p. 253, agrees with Walton in calling her the _Marquette and Bessemer No. 2_. He gives no date for the sinking except "December 1909." He says that 31 lives were lost.
Walton/Grimm/Murdock says only that all aboard were lost. It lists the ship as five years old, but Berman says it was built in 1905, and Ratigan says it was four years old.
The ship is enough of a mystery that I found five web sites with details about the ship and the wreck. All seem to suspect the same problem: The  _Marquette and Bessemer No. 2_ was a car ferry, designed to take on fully-loaded railroad cars and transport them across the lakes. This was possible because she had wide doors in the back of her hull, not much above the waterline. This would be no problem if the doors sealed tight, but it is suspected that they did not, and that the doors flooded in the 1909 storm.
Mark Bourrie's _Many a Midnight Ship: True Stories of Great Lakes Shipwrecks_ University of Michigan Press, 2005, pp. 180-188, produces a far more dramatic tale. His speculation is that a storm his, and the ship was unable to make port, and wandered around the lakes for many hours, and as a result the crew mutinied. They then abandoned the ship in a lifeboat, which was found with ten men aboard, but all dead.
The evidence for this is very thin -- the fact that Captain McLeod's body, when it was found much later, seemed to have been injured, and the men in the lifeboat were ill-dressed for the weather and had seemingly stuck a knife into the rail of the boat. Bourrie thinks a good prosecutor could sell this tale to a jury; I think he'd be laughed out of courts. All that is certain is that everyone aboard -- believed to have been no fewer than 30 and no more than 36 men -- died.  - RBW
File: WGM223
===
NAME: Carcasho
DESCRIPTION: In winter 1916 a 73-year old Labrador trapper goes out to see to his traps. He gets lost and spends the night camping away from home and has a fight with a wolverine. The next day a search gang finds him and takes him home to Lelette.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (Leach-Labrador)
KEYWORDS: rescue hunting ordeal animal
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Leach-Labrador 69, "Carcasho" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST LLab069 (Partial)
Roud #9985
NOTES: Leach-Labrador: "This is a local song composed immediately after the event it celebrates." - BS
Leach adds that Carcasho (=carcajou) is Canadian French for a wolverine. - RBW
File: LLab069
===
NAME: Cardinals Be Damned, The: see Son of a Gambolier (II) (File: EM327)
===
NAME: Careless Love
DESCRIPTION: A young girl's lament for having loved unwisely, worrying what her mother will say when the girl returns home, wearing her apron high (i. e. pregnant).
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1911 (JAFL)
KEYWORDS: sex seduction pregnancy lament
FOUND_IN: US(SE,So)
REFERENCES: (16 citations)
Randolph 793, "Careless Love" (3 texts, 1 tune. The "B" text is, however, derived mostly from other materials -- it does not even have the "Careless Love" refrain --  of which "Little Pink" seems to be the most important)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 498-500, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 793A)
Randolph-Legman II, pp. 648-650, "Careless Love" (2 texts)
Warner 167, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune)
Hudson 13, pp. 91-93, "The Lass of Roch Royal" (1 fragments, of which "A" is the "Pretty Little Foot" with a chorus from "Careless Love" and "B" is two "Pretty Little Foot" stanzas artificially and wrongly extracted from "Wild Bill Jones")
Sandburg, p. 21, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSUSA 20, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSNA 309, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-AmFolklr, pp. 901-902, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune)
MWheeler, pp. 89-90, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune)
Courlander-NFM, pp. 138-139, "(Careless Love)" (fragments of two texts); pp. 272-273, "Careless Love" (1 tune, partial text)
PSeeger-AFB, p. 11, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune)
Handy/Silverman-Blues, p. 55-57, "Careless Love" (1 text, 1 tune, with a verse from "Free Little Bird" and others added by blues composers)
Silber-FSWB, p. 163, "Careless Love" (1 text)
Fuld-WFM, pp.  162-163, "Careless Love"
DT, CARELOVE*
Roud #422
RECORDINGS:
Slim Barton & Eddie Mapp, "Careless Love" (QRS R-7088, 1929)
Dock Boggs, "Careless Love" (on Boggs3, BoggsCD1)
Anne, Judy & Zeke Canova, "Reckless Love" (Oriole 8044/Perfect 12685/Regal 10299, 1931)
[Tom] Darby & [Jimmie] Tarlton, "Careless Love" (Columbia 15651-D, 1931; rec. 1930)
Delmore Brothers, "Careless Love" (Bluebird B-7436, 1938)
Johnny Dodds w. Tiny Parham, "Careless Love" (Paramount 12483, 1927)
Fats Domino, "Careless Love" (Imperial 5145, 1951)
Four Southern Singers, "Careless Love" (Bluebird B-8392, 1940; rec. 1933)
Blind Boy Fuller, "Careless Love" (Vocalion 03457, 1937/Conqueror 9012, 1937/Melotone 8-02-66, 1938; rec. 1937)
W. C. Handy, "Careless Love" (AFS 1620 B3, 1938)
Ed Hudson, "Careless Love" (Champion 16464, 1932/Champion 40086, 1936; rec. 1931)
Johnson Brothers, "Careless Love" (Victor 20940, 1927)
Lonnie Johnson, "Careless Love" (OKeh 8635, 1928)
Lulu Johnson, "Careless Love Blues" (Vocalion 1193, 1928; Supertone S-2227, 1931; [as Lulu Williams] Banner 32387/Oriole 8119/Perfect 195/Romeo 5119, all 1932; all of these rec. 1928)
Ruth Johnson, "Careless Love" (Paramount 13060, 1931)
Asa Martin, "Careless Love" (Melotone 5-11-63/Oriole 5-11-63 [as by "Martin & Roberts"], 1935)
Lester McFarland & Robert Gardner, "Careless Love" (Vocalion 5125, 1927)
Brownie McGhee, "Careless Love" (on McGhee01, DownHome)
Byrd Moore & his Hot Shots, "Careless Love" (Columbia 15496-D, 1929)
Eva Parker, "Careless Love" (Victor V-38020, 1929; rec. 1928)
Riley Puckett, "Careless Love" (Columbia 15747-D, 1932; rec. 1931) (Bluebird B-5532/Montgomery Ward M-4507, 1934)
Pete Seeger, "Careless Love" (on PeteSeeger18)
Bessie Smith, "Careless Love Blues" (Columbia 14083-D, 1925) (Columbia 3172-D/Parlophone [UK] R-2479, 1938 -- I'm going to guess this is a different (electrical) recording from 14083-D)
Ernest V. Stoneman, "Careless Love" (Edison 52388, 1928) (CYL: Edison [BA] 5530, 1928)
Georgia White, "Careless Love" (Decca 7419, 1938)
Lee Wiley, "Careless Love" (Decca 132, 1934)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Butcher Boy" [Laws P24] (floating lyrics)
cf. "Waly Waly (The Water is Wide)"
cf. "Dink's Song" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Every Night When the Sun Goes In" (floating lyrics)
cf. "I Have No Loving Mother Now" (tune)
SAME_TUNE:
I Have No Loving Mother Now (Kelly Harrell & Henry Norton, Victor 20935, 1927; on KHarrell02)
Loveless Love (Noble Sissle & his Sizzling Syncopators, Pathe 20493, 1921; Katherine Handy, Paramount 12011, 1922; Alberta Hunter w. Henderson's Dance Orch., Paramount 12018, 1922; Billie Holiday, OKeh 6064, 1941; Bob Wills & his Texas Playboys, Vocalion 04387, 1938)
NOTES: The "Loveless Love" lyrics seem to have been written by W. C. Handy in 1921, using the tune and structure of "Careless Love". He also seems to have claimed "Careless Love" at times, but in other contexts he called it a folk song. So do I. One online biography of Handy called it an 18th-century English folk song ("Dear Companion"?) which by the early 1800s had become a Black rivermen's song. No references, unfortunately. But Wheeler associates the song with the Ohio packet Dick Fowler, running between Cairo and Paducah. - PJS
File: R793
===
NAME: Carey's Disguise
DESCRIPTION: Carey's friends advise him that the best disguise would be to "dress as a lady and pass as Miss Grady." His wife shaves his every hair and glues on a wig. He dons a "chimese," etc. His wife wears his suit and moustache and smokes "a mild Havannah"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: cross-dressing disguise clothes
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: ()

BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 26(89), "A new song on Carey's disguise" ("Before he could go from his head to his toe"), unknown, no date
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Phoenix Park Tragedy" (possible subject: the Phoenix Park murders) and references there
NOTES: The description follows broadside Bodleian Harding B 26(89).
Speculation only: This may be a sarcastic reference to James Carey's "disguise" trying to escape into exile. If so, this is another reference to the Phoenix Park murders of May 1882 and the subsequent arrest, trial and executions in 1883. Carey was the Crown's key witness/informer and was assassinated by Patrick O'Donnell in July 1883 on board the "Melrose Castle." (There is more information, and references to other ballads on the subject, at "The Murder of the Double-Dyed Informer James Carey.") [Also, for the full list, "The Phoenix Park Tragedy" - RBW.]
"The Assassination of Carey", _The Times_, Aug 2, 1883, p. 7, Issue 30888 column E, Copyright 1883, _The Times_, Article CS118408450, Copyright 2002 The Gale Group: the article mentions Carey's disguise before the "Melrose Castle' assassination but does not explain the nature of the disguise. On the Melrose Castle Carey boarded as J Power with 2 of his children, and his wife boarded as Mrs Power with 5 children.
Tom Corfe, _The Phoenix Park Murders_ (London, 1968) says that Carey simply shaved off his beard as a "disguise" but that he spoke so freely that he was identified out of his own mouth by O'Donnell, who just happened to be on board (p. 258). There is no mention of a disguise for his wife and children, beyond the assumption of aliases. - BS
File: BdCarDis
===
NAME: Caristiona: see Cairistiona (File: K005)
===
NAME: Carle He Cam' Ower the Craft, The: see Old Man Came Over the Moor, An (Old Gum Boots and Leggings) (File: R066)
===
NAME: Carle o' Killyburn Braes, The: see The Farmer's Curst Wife [Child 278] (File: C278)
===
NAME: Carmagnoles, The
DESCRIPTION: In 1793 the French planted "a symbol of great Liberty." In 1794 "they gave to Flanders liberty." June 1 the French convoy was saved from British attack. The Batavian line extends freedom to the Netherlands. Kings and drones will "tumble unlamented"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1796 (_Paddy's Resource_(Philadelphia), according to Moylan)
KEYWORDS: battle navy rebellion England France freedom
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1793 - French Revolution: France declares war on Great Britain and Holland (source: Moylan)
June 1-3, 1794 - "[Admiral] Villaret-Joyeuse's squadron was attacked off Ouessant by Admiral Howe and lost seven ships in the three-day battle. Nevertheless he kept the way clear for the hundred grain transports to reach the port of Brest, which was on the verge of starvation. (source: Moylan)
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Moylan 20, "The Carmagnoles" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: Moylan: "The 'Great Batavian Line' refers to the regime established by the French revolutionaries in the Netherlands." - BS
Moylan's description of the battle pretty well sums up the result of the June 1 battle: It helped the current French government survive. But the British name for the battle reveals something about how the winners felt about the result: They called it "The Glorious First of June." And the French losses would weaken their fleet for years, and the psychological blow was also significant. - RBW
File: Moyl020
===
NAME: Carnabane
DESCRIPTION: "When I was young and foolish still, Amerikay ran in my head, I from my native country strayed..." He recalls how friends took their parting from him. When he arrives in St. John's, he will drink and stop grieving, but still think of home and his girl
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: emigration separation farewell
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H100a, pp. 188-189, "Carnabane" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #13545
File: HHH100a
===
NAME: Carnal and the Crane, The [Child 55]
DESCRIPTION: A carnal (crow) and a crane discuss various stories of Jesus, such as the roasted cock that crowed, the miraculous harvest of grain, and the adoration of the animals. (These accounts often became separated in tradition.)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: bird Jesus religious carol
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 4 B.C.E. -- Death of Herod the Great, whose actions motivated much of the plot of this song
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(West,South))
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Child 55, "The Carnal and the Crane" (1 text)
Bronson 55, "The Carnal and the Crane" (3 versions)
Leather, pp. 188-189, "The Carnal and the Crane" (1 text, 1 tune)
OBB 102, "The Carnal and the Crane" (1 text)
OBC 53, "The Carnal and the Crane"; 54; "King Herod and the Cock"; 55, "The Miraculous Harvest" (3 texts, 3 tunes) {#53=Bronson's #1; compare #3; #55=Bronson's #3; this melody is said to be the English hymnal tune "Capel"}
DT 55, PHARMKNG* PHARMKN2*
Roud #306
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Saint Stephen and Herod" (plot)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Herod and the Cock
King Pharim
File: C055
===
NAME: Carnatogher's Braes
DESCRIPTION: The singer says that no place on earth as dear as his old home by Carntogher's Braes. He recalls life and friendship there. "But cruel fate has ordered it that I must sail the seas"; he expects to return home once he has made his fortune
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Sam Henry collection; the Derry Journal may have printed the song a few years earlier)
KEYWORDS: emigration poverty home
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H237, p. 189, "Carnatogher's Braes" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #13546
File: HHH237
===
NAME: Carnlough Shore
DESCRIPTION: The singer describes a trip through Ireland. He stays then days with Jon McNeil, surrounded by kind people, then visits Pat McGavrock on Stony Hill. He says that, come the next summer, he will visit Stony Hill again
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1937 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: rambling music
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H686, pp. 160-161, "Carnlough Shore" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #13458
NOTES: This sounds to me like a piece a rambling fiddler would make up to please his current host. - RBW
File: HHH686
===
NAME: Carol for Saint Stephen's Day, A: see Saint Stephen and Herod [Child 22] (File: C022)
===
NAME: Carol of the Cherry Tree: see The Cherry-Tree Carol [Child #54] (File: C054)
===
NAME: Carol of the Twelve Numbers, The: see Green Grow the Rushes-O (The Twelve Apostles, Come and I Will Sing You) (File: ShH97)
===
NAME: Carolina Crew, The: see Come All You Virginia Girls (Arkansas Boys; Texian Boys; Cousin Emmy's Blues; etc.) (File: R342)
===
NAME: Carolina Lady: see The Lady of Carlisle [Laws O25] (File: LO25)
===
NAME: Caroline
DESCRIPTION: Creole French, in hopes of winning Caroline: "AIne, de, trois, Caroline, ca ca ye comme ca ma chere (x2), Papa di non, mamman di non, C'est le moule, c'est le ma pren...."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1867 (Allen/Ware/Garrison)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage love
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Allen/Ware/Garrison, p. 111, "Caroline" (1 short text, 1 tune)
File: AWG111A
===
NAME: Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold (Young Sailor Bold II) [Laws N17]
DESCRIPTION: Wealthy Caroline loves a poor sailor. The sailor tries to discourage her, but she disguises herself and follows him to sea. She "proves true" even in a shipwreck. In time she returns home and gains her father's permission to marry her young man
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1839 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 11(4391)); found in 1840 in a journal from the Walter Scott
KEYWORDS: poverty sailor courting cross-dressing marriage wreck father
FOUND_IN: US(SE) Canada(Mar,Newf) Britain(Scotland) Ireland
REFERENCES: (11 citations)
Laws N17, "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold (Young Sailor Bold II)"
Greig #163, pp. 1-2, "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold" (1 text) 
GreigDuncan1 176, "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold" (3 texts, 4 tunes)
Copper-SoBreeze, pp. 196-198, "Caroline the Rich Merchant's Daughter" (1 text, 1 tune)
Huntington-Whalemen, pp. 103-105, "The Nobleman's Daughter" (1 text plus a portion of another, 1 tune)
BrownII 102, "A Rich Nobleman's Daughter" (1 text)
Peacock, pp. 329-330, "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold" (1 text, 1 tune)
Leach-Labrador 29, "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-NovaScotia 33, "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold" (1 text, 1 tune)
OLochlainn-More 39, "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Boy" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 448, CAROSAIL
Roud #553
RECORDINGS:
Sarah Makem, "Caroline and her Young Sailor Bold" (on LastDays)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 11(4391), "The Young Sailor Bold. Answer to the Gallant Hussar," J. Catnach (London), 1813-1838; also Harding B 16(44a), Firth c.12(241), Firth c.12(242), Harding B 11(542), 2806 c.15(182), Harding B 19(42), "Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold[!]"; Harding B 20(204), Harding B 16(268a), Johnson Ballads 2987, "[The] Young Sailor Bold"
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Young Sailor Bold
File: LN17
===
NAME: Caroline and Her Young Sailor Boy: see Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold (Young Sailor Bold II) [Laws N17] (File: LN17)
===
NAME: Caroline of Edinborough Town [Laws P27]
DESCRIPTION: Caroline's parents do not approve of her suitor Henry, so the two of them run off to London to be married. It is not long before her husband grows sick of her, abuses her, and goes off to sea. After some wandering, she drowns herself in the sea
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1839 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 11(3065))
KEYWORDS: courting elopement abuse abandonment separation suicide
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MA,MW,NE,SE,So) Britain(Scotland) Canada(Mar,Newf) Ireland
REFERENCES: (22 citations)
Laws P27, "Caroline of Edinburgh Town"  (Laws gives a broadside text on pp. 91-92 of ABFBB)
Randolph 50, "Caroline of Edinborough Town" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Eddy 59, "Caroline of Edinburgh Town" (1 text)
Gardner/Chickering 13, "Caroline of Edinburg (sic.) Town" (1 text)
Dean, p. 53, "Caroline of Edinburg Town" (1 text)
Linscott, pp. 183-185, "Caroline of Edinboro Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
SharpAp 69, "Caroline of Edinboro' Town" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
Lehr/Best 16, "Caroline from Edinboro Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 28, "Caroline of Edinboro Town" (1 text)
Creighton-Maritime, pp. 99-100, "Caroline of Edinborough Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
SHenry H148, pp. 411-412, "Blooming Caroline of Edinburgh Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
Morton-Maguire 28, pp. 70-71,115,167-168, "Blooming Caroline from Edinburgh Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
JHCox 112, "Caroline of Edinburgh Town" (1 text plus mention of 1 more)
JHCoxIIA, #19, pp. 81-82, "Fair Caroline" (1 text, 1 tune)
Huntington-Whalemen, pp. 137-141, "Lovely Caroline" (1 text plus portions of another, 1 tune)
BrownII 124, "Caroline of Edinburgh Town" (1 text plus 1 excerpt)
Chappell-FSRA 51, "Henry Was a High-Learnt Man" (1 text, in which "Edinborough" becomes "Winton Goldburg"!)
Hudson 31, pp. 143-145, "Edinburgh Town" (1 text)
Ord, pp. 186-187, "Blooming Caroline o' Edinburgh Town" (1 text)
MacSeegTrav 51, "Caroline of Edinburgh Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
Munnelly/Deasy-Lenihan 29, "Edinburgh Town" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 342, CAROEDIN* CAROEDN2*
Roud #398
RECORDINGS:
Charles Ingenthron, "Caroline of Edinboro' Town" (AFS; on LC14)
Tom Lenihan, "Caroline of Edinburgh Town" (on IRClare01)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 11(3065), "Poor Caroline of Edinburgh Town," J. Catnach (London), 1813-1838; also Harding B 11(3063), Harding B 16(207b), Harding B 11(3064), "Poor Caroline of Edinburgh Town"; Harding B 11(4395), Firth c.12(183), Harding B 11(1208), "Poor Caroline of Edinboro' Town"; Harding B 11(544), "Caroline o' Embro' Town"; Firth b.26(371), "Caroline of Edinboro' Town"; Firth c.26(276)[some lines illegible], Firth c.26(48), "Caroline of Edinbro' Town"; Johnson Ballads 2148a, "Carroline of Edinborough Town"
NLScotland, APS.3.96.25, "Carroline of Edinborough Town," P Brereton (Dublin), c.1865
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Crossing the Plains" (tune)
File: LP27
===
NAME: Caroline the Rich Merchant's Daughter: see Caroline and Her Young Sailor Bold (Young Sailor Bold II) [Laws N17] (File: LN17)
===
NAME: Carrickfergus
DESCRIPTION: "I wish I were in Carrickfergus, Only for nights in Ballygrand. I would swim over the deepest ocean... my love to find." "I wish to meet a handsome boatsman To ferry me over, my love to find." Since (she) is gone, the singer will drink, forget, (and die)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Sandburg)
KEYWORDS: love separation drink
FOUND_IN: US Ireland Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Sandburg, p. 323, "Fond Affection" (1 short text, perhaps derived from "Dear Companion (The Broken Heart; Go and Leave Me If You Wish To, Fond Affection)" but which in the absence of a tune reminds me strongly of this piece)
SHenry H641, p. 383, "Ripest of Apples" (1 text, 1 tune, a tiny fragment of two verses, one of which often occurs with this song while the other is associated primarily with "Wheel of Fortune." The tune is not "Carrickfergus")
Peacock, pp. 475-476, "Love is Lovely" (1 text, 1 tune, strongly composite, starting with a verse perhaps from "Peggy Gordon," then the chorus of "Waly Waly (The Water Is Wide)," two more which might be anything, and a conclusion from "Carrickfergus")
DT, CARRKFRG
NOTES: Frequently heard as an instrumental, but probably originally a song as the lyrics show little variation. - RBW
File: San323
===
NAME: Carrickmannon Lake
DESCRIPTION: Singer meets the "Venus of the north" at Carrickmannon's lake. He says, "Give me my way or else I'll stray." She tells him to depart. He would leave Killinchey for her sake and go to North America. He warns other young men to shun the lake.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (recorded by Richard Hayward)
KEYWORDS: courting rejection Ireland
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
ADDITIONAL: Richard Hayward, Ireland Calling (Glasgow,n.d.), p. 17, "Carrickmannon Lake" (text, music and reference to Decca F-3125 recorded Aug 12, 1932)
Roud #5177
RECORDINGS:
Sarah Anne O'Neill, "Carrickmannon Lake" (on Voice04)
NOTES: Killinchey and Carrickmannon Lake are in County Down.
The date and master id (GB-4734-1) for Hayward's record is provided by Bill Dean-Myatt, MPhil. compiler of the Scottish National Discography. - BS
File: RcCarLak
===
NAME: Carried Water for the Elephant
DESCRIPTION: Singer has no money to see the circus; he's told that he can get in free if he carries water for the elephant. He does (although he can't fill it up), gets his ticket and sees the animals in the menagerie, who make appropriate noises
AUTHOR: Probably Leroy Carr
EARLIEST_DATE: 1930 (recording, Leroy Carr)
KEYWORDS: poverty work humorous animal
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
 Leroy Carr [& Earl "Scrapper" Blackwell], "Carried Water for the Elephant" (Vocalion 1593, 1931 [rec. 1930]; on CrowTold02)
File: RcCWfTE
===
NAME: Carrier's Song, The
DESCRIPTION: About the roads of Australia: "It's strange to know the once good tracks we can no longer trust, sir... Dust! Dust! Dust! Along the roads there's nothing there but dust, dust, dust." He calls for rain, and soon "nothing there but rain, rain, rain"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1984
KEYWORDS: travel nonballad
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fahey-Eureka, pp. 104-105, "The Carrier's Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Bow Wow Wow" (tune) and references there
File: FaE104
===
NAME: Carries and Kye (Courting Among the Kye)
DESCRIPTION: The singer hears a lad and lass talking. He is courting her; she tries to hold him back, pointing out that she is still young and that she has no dowry. She offers to introduce him to another. He says he wants none but her; they marry.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1930 (Ord)
KEYWORDS: love courting dowry marriage
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ord, pp. 37-39, "Courting Among the Kye" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #3785
File: Ord037
===
NAME: Carrigaline Goalers Defeated, The
DESCRIPTION: "For ages hold on record Kinalea with ecstacy ... defeating with the greatest bravery The goalers that were famed upon the banks of Onnabuoy" The crowd, predictions of the outcome and newspaper reports are described, but not the contest.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1829 (Cork broadside, according to Croker-PopularSongs)
KEYWORDS: pride sports Ireland
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Croker-PopularSongs, pp. 155-158, "The Carrigaline Goalers Defeated" (1 text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Roving Journeyman" (tune, according to Croker-PopularSongs)
cf. "Bold Thady Quill" (subject of hurling) and references there
cf. "The Victorious Goalers of Carrigaline and Kilmoney" (subject of hurling, plus these particular games)
NOTES: Croker-PopularSongs: "A reply to the preceding song ["The Victorious Goalers of Carrigaline and Kilmoney"], on the defeat of the aforesaid 'Victorious Goalers of Carrigaline and Kilmoney,' by a party belonging to Tracton, a neighboring district, which match appears to have been played in the ensuing spring [1829]." - BS 
File: CrPS155
===
NAME: Carrion Crow
DESCRIPTION: "A carrion crow (kangaroo) sat on an oak, To my inkum kiddy-cum kimeo, Watching a tailor mend a coat...." The tailor tries to shoot the crow, but misses and kills his old sow. The family mourns the dead animal
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1796 (Francis Grose papers)
KEYWORDS: animal bird death talltale nonsense hunting
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MW,NE,SE,So) Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (11 citations)
Belden, pp. 270-271, "The Carrion Crow" (2 texts)
Brewster 62, "The Tailor and the Crow" (2 texts)
Creighton/Senior, pp. 244-246, "The Carrion Crow" (2 texts plus 1 fragment, 2 tunes)
Creighton-Maritime, p. 133, "The Carrion Crow" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 156, "The Tailor and the Crow" (1 text);  "The Carrion Crow" (2 texts)
Linscott, pp. 185-186, "The Carrion Crow" (1 text, 1 tune)
SharpAp 222, "The Carrion Crow" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Lomax-FSNA 72, "The Kangaroo" (1 text, 1 tune)
Opie-Oxford2 87, "A carrion crow sat on an oak" (2 texts)
Baring-Gould-MotherGoose #172, p. 127, "(A carrion crow sat on an oak)"
DT, CARCROW CARCROW2 KANGROO*
Roud #891
RECORDINGS:
Otis High, "Captain Karo" [referred to in notes as "Carrion Crow"] (HandMeDown1)
Margaret MacArthur, "Carrion Crow" (on MMacArthur01)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 12(10), "Carrion Crow" ("As I went forth one May morning"), J. Pitts (London), 1802-1819 ; also 2806 c.18(55), "The Carrion Crow"
LOCSinging, as112630, "Sly Young Crow," L. Deming (Boston), 19C
NOTES: A rhyme of the time of Charles I reads, "Hie hoe the carryon crow for I have shot something too low I have quite missed my mark, & shot the poore sow to the harte Wyfe bring treakel in a spoone, or else the poore sowes harte wil downe."
Said piece is regarded as an allegory on Charles's reimposition of high church ritual (and consequent dismissal of Calvinist clergy). Not impossible, in those times -- but whether it inspired this song, or was inspired by it, is not clear.
For some reason, this seems to have been made into a music hall song. George Leybourne (1842-1884) rewrote this as "The Tailor and the Crow"; a version of this can be found in _Sing Out_ magazine, Volume 30, #3 (1984), pp, 45-46, which has notes linking the song with the behavior of Charles II. - RBW
File: LoF072
===
NAME: Carroll Ban
DESCRIPTION: Carroll is sentenced and hung in Wexford. He had "fought the Saxon foemen by Slaney's glancing wave" and now "the silent churchyard blossom blooms softly over him."
AUTHOR: John Keegan Casey (1846-1870)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1978 (Lehr/Best)
KEYWORDS: rebellion execution trial memorial patriotic Ireland
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1798 - Wexford Rebellion
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Lehr/Best 17, "Carroll Ban" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: I do not know if "Carroll Ban" refers to an historic person. - BS
I believe it does, given the nature of John Keegan Casey's work (he also wrote "The Rising of the Moon"). But I can't find a 1798 hero named "Carroll." Perhaps it's a code name? - RBW
File: LeBe017
===
NAME: Carrowclare: see Killyclare (Carrowclare; The Maid of Carrowclare) (File: HHH298)
===
NAME: Carry Him To the Burying Ground (General Taylor, Walk Him Along Johnny)
DESCRIPTION: Pulling shanty. Internal chorus: "Walk him along, John, Carry him along... Carry him to the burying ground." Refrain: "Way-ay-ay you storm and blow (you Stormy)...." Some texts refer to General Taylor, others to Dan O'Connell or Old Stormy.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1914 (Sharp-EFC)
KEYWORDS: shanty burial battle floatingverses
FOUND_IN: Britain West Indies
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Hugill, pp. 78-80, "Walk Me Along, Johnny" (1 text, 1 tune) [AbEb, pp. 72-73]
Sharp-EFC, XXXIII, pp.38-39, "General Taylor" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, GENTAYLR
Roud #216
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Stormalong" (lyrics)
cf. "Dig My Grave With a Silver Spade" (lyrics)
cf. "Deep Blue Sea (II)" (lyrics)
cf. "Santy Anno" (lyrics)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Walk Him Along, John
NOTES: This is recognized much more by its tune than by its verses, which float freely. The most obvious source is "Stormalong" (which shares so much with some versions of this song that Roud lumps them), but there are also "silver spade" lyrics from "Dig My Grave With a Silver Spade" or "Deep Blue Sea (II)"; lyrics about General Taylor from "Santy Anno" or something similar, and one or another Daniel O'Connell song. There are probably others I haven't noticed. - RBW
File: Hugi078
===
NAME: Carry Me Back to Old Virginny
DESCRIPTION: "Carry me back to old Virginny, There's where the cotton and corn and tatoes grow." The former slave yearns to return to the old master and the old plantation, there to "wither and decay."
AUTHOR: James A. Bland
EARLIEST_DATE: 1878
KEYWORDS: Black(s) slave exile
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
RJackson-19CPop, pp. 43-46, "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" (1 text, 1 tune)
Krythe 11, pp. 158-176, "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fuld-WFM, pp. 164-165, "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny"
ST RJ19043 (Full)
Roud #15431
RECORDINGS:
Lucy Gates & the Columbia Stellar Quartet, "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" (Columbia A6015, 1917)
Zack [Hurt] and Glenn [?], "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" (OKeh 45212, 1928)
Harry McClaskey, "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" (Gennett 4532, 1919)
Lester McFarland & Robert Gardner, "Carry Me Back to Old Virginny" (Brunswick 475, 1930)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Way Down in Old Virginia" (theme)
NOTES: James A. Bland (1854-1911), one of the leading songwriters of the 1870s, was a university-educated Black (born in New York) who spent many years in England. That he stooped to produce such a piece of nostalgia for slavery says something about the commercial climate of the time (the piece was probably written in 1875 and was published in 1878).
Bland also wrote "[Oh, dem] Golden Slippers" and "In the Evening by the Moonlight."
Until very recently this was the state song of Virginia -- though the official title was changed to "Carry Me Back to Old Virginia." Apparently the people of the state could handle the idea of people yearning for slavery, but couldn't accept a slight mispronunciation. - RBW
File: RJ19043
===
NAME: Carryin' Sacks
DESCRIPTION: "I'm goin' up the river to carry them sacks (x3), I'll have your lap full of dollars when I get back." "I asked my sugar for a little kiss..." "You go back up the river and carry some sacks, (x3), You can get my kisses when the boat gets back"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1944 (Wheeler)
KEYWORDS: work love separation money
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
MWheeler, pp. 29-30, "Carryin' Sacks" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #1005
NOTES: A ballad in miniature, though it really is more of a blues, and I suspect no two singers would do it quite the same way. - RBW
File: MWhee029A
===
NAME: Carse o' Pommaize, The: see Arlin's Fine Braes (File: Ord250)
===
NAME: Carter and the Erie Belle, The
DESCRIPTION: "In the late month of November upon a low'ring day The schooner called Carter stood across the Georgian Bay." On the last trip of the season, a storm blows up; they go aground. The tug Erie Belle tries to help, but its boiler explodes; the crew is killed
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1934 (collected from Dave Remington and others by Walton)
KEYWORDS: ship death
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Nov 1883 - The _J. N. Carte_r grounding and _Erie Belle_ explosion
FOUND_IN: Canada(Ont)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Walton/Grimm/Murdock, pp. 226-227, "The Carter and the Erie Belle" (1 text)
File: WGM226
===
NAME: Cartin Wife, The: see The Wife of Usher's Well [Child 79] (File: C079)
===
NAME: Carve That Possum
DESCRIPTION: Concerning a possum hunt and the pleasures of eating the animal. Recipes may be offered, as may details of the hunt. The listener is urged to "Carve that possum" and/or "Carve it to the heart."
AUTHOR: Sam Lucas
EARLIEST_DATE: 1875 (sheet music published)
KEYWORDS: hunting food animal
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Randolph 276, "The Possum Song" (3 short texts, 2 tunes)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 237-238, "The Possum Song" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's )
Roud #7780
RECORDINGS:
Harry C. Browne w. Peerless Quartet, "Carve Dat Possum" (Columbia A-2590, 1918; rec. 1917)
Uncle Dave Macon and his Fruit Jar Drinkers, "Carve That Possum" (Vocalion 5151, 1927; on GoingDown)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Sail Away, Ladies" (tune of the verse)
NOTES: Norm Cohen describes tune of this as "basically the spiritual 'Let My People Go.'" If he means the song I know by that title, I don't see the resemblance. - RBW
File: R276
===
NAME: Casadh an tSugain (The Twisting of the Rope)
DESCRIPTION: Gaelic. Singer is drunk. He complains that he had come to this place "full of love and hope But the hag she forced me out with the twisting of the rope." "How many fine girls waste for taste of man in bed ... But the hag she drove me out ..."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1979 (Tunney-StoneFiddle)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage seduction escape trick drink nonballad tasks
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Tunney-StoneFiddle, pp. 149-151, "Twisting of the Rope, The" (1 text)
NOTES: Translation is by Paddy Tunney, who includes the tale upon which the song is based. The story, which helps explain the song, may be summarized as follows: Singer asks for shelter on a rainy night but there are only two women in the house and he forces his way in. He claims he means no harm. The older woman asks him if he is able to twist a grass rope they need made. His pride hurt that his ability might be doubted, he agrees to twist the rope. As the rope grows too long to fit in the house, he must take it through the door and out into the street. The older woman slams the door in his face. - BS
File: TSF149
===
NAME: Casey Jones (I) [Laws G1]
DESCRIPTION: Casey Jones's train is late with the mail. He is pushing the train as fast as he can when he sees another train ahead. There is no time to stop. Casey tells his fireman to jump; he himself dies in the wreck
AUTHOR: Original text by Wallis/Wallace/Wash Saunders/Sanders (?); "Official" text copyrighted 1909 by Newton & Siebert
EARLIEST_DATE: 1909 (copyright)
KEYWORDS: death train wreck
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Apr 30, 1900 - Death of John Luther "Casey" Jones, of the Illinois Central Railroad, near Vaughan, Mississippi
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MA,SE,So,SW)
REFERENCES: (19 citations)
Laws G1, "Casey Jones"
Cohen-LSRail, pp. 132-157, "Casey Jones" (4 fairly complete texts plus many tunes an the cover from the 1909 sheet music, 1 tune)
BrownII 216, "Casey Jones" (1 text plus mention of 1 more)
Hudson 87, pp. 214-215, "Casey Jones" (1 text, quite dissimilar to the popular version, focusing on the bad conditions and Casey's heroism)
Friedman, p. 309, "Casey Jones" (7 texts, mostly fragmentary)
Sandburg, pp. 366-368, "Casey Jones" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSUSA 75, "Casey Jones" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSNA 301, "Casey Jones" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 34-36, "Nachul-Born Easman" (1 text, 1 tune)
Scarborough-NegroFS, pp. 249-250, "Casey Jones" (1 text, 1 tune)
Spaeth-ReadWeep, pp. 106-109, "Casey Jones" (1 text, 1 tune)
JHJohnson, pp. 90-92, "Casey Jones" (1 text)
Courlander-NFM, pp. 185-186, "(Casey Jones)" (1 text, 1 tune)
LPound-ABS, 59, pp. 133, "Casey Jones" (1 text)
JHCox 48, "Mack McDonald" (1 text, clearly "Casey Jones" even though the engineer's name has been changed)
Darling-NAS, pp. 209-213, "Casey Jones"; "Casey Jones"; "Kassie Jones" (3 text, with the first two being here"Joseph Mica" and the third being the full "Kassie Jones" text of Furry Lewis)
Geller-Famous, pp. 231-234, "Casey Jones" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fuld-WFM, p. 165+, "Casey Jones"
DT 633, CASEJONE
Roud #3247
RECORDINGS:
Arthur "Brother-in-Law" Armstrong, "Casey Jones" (AFS 3987 B4, 1940)
DeFord Bailey, "Casey Jones" (Victor 23336, 1932/Victor 23831, 1933; rec. 1928)
Al Bernard, "Casey Jones" (Brunswick 178, 1927/Supertone S-2044, 1930)
Fiddlin' John Carson, "Casey Jones" (OKeh 40038, 1924; rec. 1923)
Arthur Collins & chorus, "Casey Jones" (CYL: Indestructible 3163, 1910)
[Arthur] Collins & [Byron] Harlan "Casey Jones" (Columbia A907, 1910)
Elizabeth Cotten, "Casey Jones" (on Cotten03)
County Harmonizers, "Casey Jones" (Pathe Actuelle 020670, 1921) (Pathe 20670, 1921) [these are separate issues; the Actuelle is a lateral-cut record, while the other is vertical-cut]
Vernon Dalhart, "Casey Jones" (Oriole 454 [as Dick Morse], 1925) (Victor 20502, 1927; rec. 1925)
Jesse James, "Southern Casey Jones" (Decca 7213, 1936)
Fred Kirby & the WTB Briarhoppers "Casey Jones" (Sonora 3040, n.d. but post-World War II)
Wingy Manone & his orchestra, "Casey Jones (The Brave Engineer)" (Bluebird B-10266, 1939/Mongomery Ward M-8354, 1940)
John D. Mounce et al, "Casey Jones" (on MusOzarks01)
Billy Murray w. the American Quartet, "Casey Jones" (Victor 16843, 1910) (CYL: Edison 10499, 1911) (CYL: Edison [BA] 1550, 1912)  (CYL: Edison [A] 450, 1910)
Riley Puckett, "Casey Jones" (Columbia 113-D [as George Riley Puckett], 1924)
George Reneau, "Casey Jones" (Vocalion 14813, 1924)
Bob Skiles Four Old Timers, "Casey Jones" (OKeh 45225, 1928)
Pete Seeger , "Casey Jones" (on PeteSeeger13)
Gid Tanner & his Skillet Lickers, "Casey Jones" (Columbia 15237-D, 1928; rec. 1927)
Wilmer Watts & the Lonely Eagles, "Knocking Down Casey Jones" (Paramount 3210, 1930; on TimesAint02)
Fred Wilson, "Casey Jones" (Harmony 5118-H, 1930)
Jack & Tom Wilson, "Casey Jones" (Diva 2480-G, 1927)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Joseph Mica (Mikel) (The Wreck of the Six-Wheel Driver) (Been on the Choly So Long)" [Laws I16]
cf. "Casey Jones (II)" (bawdy parody)
cf. "Casey Jones (IV)  (Casey Jones the Union Scab)"
cf. "Ben Dewberry's Final Run" (lyrics, theme)
cf. "J. C. Holmes Blue" (form, lyrics)
cf. "Steamboat Bill" (tune)
cf. "Duncan and Brady" [Laws I9] (lyrics)
cf. "Peggy Howatt" (tune)
cf. "The Big Combine" (tune)
cf. "E. P. Walker" (tune)
SAME_TUNE:
Casey Jones (IV) (Casey Jones the Union Scab) (File: FSWB102)
Come On You Scabs If You Want to Hear (by Odell Corley) (Greenway-AFP, p. 138)
Casey Jones the Rooster (Pankake-PHCFSB, pp. 109-110)
The Big Combine (on Thieme03)
NOTES: John Luther Jones was brought up in Cayce, Kentucky (hence his nickname).
Joe Hill (pseud. for Joseph Hilstrom) wrote a parody of this song, entitled "Casey Jones the Union Scab," based on the Southern Pacific strike of 1911. -PJS
This piece shows the power of song: Mrs. Jones, who died in 1958 at the age of 92, spent half a century disclaiming the accusations of infidelity in the song. Fireman Simeon Webb lasted almost as long, dying in 1957 at age 83.
In reading Laws's notes to "Casey Jones" and "Joseph Mica" [Laws I16], it seems clear to me that there is no true distinction between the ballads. Laws files the more complete forms here, and the fragments and related pieces under "Joseph Mica." How does one decide which pieces to put where? I'm really not sure.
To make matters worse, Laws has garbled the entry and the information about Lomax and Sandburg. I did the best I could, but one should check "Joseph Mica" for additional versions.
Cohen offers a reasonable explanation for this: There was an existing train song, possibly "Jay Gould's Daughter," which Saunders adapted to apply to Casey Jones -- but it was a blues ballad, without a strong plot. The 1909 version converted this to a true ballad -- but, fragments being what they are, it's not really possible to distinguish the two.
Cohen also lists several alternate nominees for the title of the "original" Casey Jones.
Laws distinguishes "Jay Gould's Daughter" as a separate song (dI25); I think this distinction hopeless; it is just another worn down version, and should be filed with "Joseph Mica." - RBW
It should be noted that Furry Lewis' "Kassie Jones" is a fragmentary stream-of-consciousness incorporating a single verse from "Casey Jones" and many floating verses, including a couple from "On the Road Again". - PJS
Cohen (whose main text is the Lewis version) notes that Lewis recorded the song ten times, with none of the texts being entirely the same. - RBW
File: LG01
===
NAME: Casey Jones (II)
DESCRIPTION: In this bawdy parody of the familiar copyright song, Casey goes to a whorehouse and has sex with ninety-eight whores until his powers fail him. He takes a shot of whiskey, finishes the remaining two, and dies.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1923
KEYWORDS: bawdy contest death
FOUND_IN: US(So,SW)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Cray, pp. 154-158, "Casey Jones" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Randolph-Legman I, pp. 471-476, "Casey Jones" (6 texts, 1 tune)
Roud #3247
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Casey Jones (I)" [Laws G1] (tune, characters) and references there
NOTES: Legman offers extensive notes and an early bawdy text of the ballad dating to 1923 in Randolph-Legman I. - EC
File: EM154
===
NAME: Casey Jones (III): see Joseph Mica (Mikel) (The Wreck of the Six-Wheel Driver) (Been on the Choly So Long) [Laws I16] (File: LI16)
===
NAME: Casey Jones (IV) (Casey Jones the Union Scab)
DESCRIPTION: Casey Jones keeps working when the rest of the workers strike. (Someone puts railroad ties across the track, and) Casey is killed. St. Peter hires him, but "Angels' Union # 23" sends him to Hell, where the Devil puts him to shoveling sulfur
AUTHOR: Words: Joe Hill
EARLIEST_DATE: c. 1911
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Casey Jones, an engineer on the Southern Pacific, keeps working when the rest of the workers go on strike. (Someone puts railroad ties across the track, and) Casey's engine derails, killing him. In heaven, St. Peter hires him to scab on the musicians, but "Angels' Union # 23" sends him to Hell, where the Devil puts him to shoveling sulfur -- "That's what you get for scabbing on the S. P. line"
KEYWORDS: strike violence train murder death railroading labor-movement Hell scab worker Devil derivative
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1911 - Southern Pacific workers strike
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Greenway-AFP, p. 186, "Casey Jones, The Union Scab" (1 text)
Darling-NAS, pp. 376-377, "Casey Jones, the Union Scab" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 102, "Casey Jones (Union)" (1 text)
DT, UNCASJON*
RECORDINGS:
Harry "Mac" McClintock, "Casey Jones (The Union Scab)" (on McClintock01 - two versions) (on McClintock02)
Pete Seeger , "Casey Jones" (on PeteSeeger1, PeteSeeger48)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Casey Jones (I)" [Laws G1] and references there (tune, characters) and references there
NOTES: For the life of Joe Hill, see "Joe Hill." - RBW
File: FSWB102
===
NAME: Casey's Whiskey
DESCRIPTION: Casey and the singer get drunk and meet policeman Flannigan. They invite him to have a drink. Although "drinking's against the law." Flannigan doesn't notice the bottle is empty. He takes Casey in but lets the singer go as too much of a handful.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1932 (Creighton-NovaScotia)
KEYWORDS: drink humorous police
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Creighton-NovaScotia 73, "Casey's Whiskey" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST CrNS073 (Partial)
Roud #1806
NOTES: This song is item dH51 in Laws's Appendix II. - BS
File: CrNS073
===
NAME: Cashel Green (I)
DESCRIPTION: The singer is out walking when he sees a pretty girl. He tells her she has ensnared his heart. She says that that's his problem; men are always using lines like that. He promises to be faithful. She agrees to marry him
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1936 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: love courting beauty marriage
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H647, p. 462, "Cashel Green (I)" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9461
File: HHH647
===
NAME: Cashel Green (II)
DESCRIPTION: In 1878, landlord Campbell permits a race on Cashel Green. The race is won by the horse of McCloskey, "that youth of fifteen." The singer praises the horse and rider, describes the collection of bets, and wishes all well
AUTHOR: Francis Heaney ?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1926 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: racing horse gambling
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H154, p. 33-34, "Cashel Green (II)" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #13353
File: HHH154
===
NAME: Cashmere Shawl, The
DESCRIPTION: A man criticizes a girl for ostentatiously wearing a cashmere shawl. She answers that she got it "by my hard earnings." Besides, he is dressed like a dandy himself. He says "with pride you are gone to the devil for wearing the cashmere shawl".
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1959 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: pride vanity clothes dialog
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, pp. 777-778, "The Cashmere Shawl" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9942
File: Pea778
===
NAME: Casro, Manishi-O
DESCRIPTION: Travellers' cant. Singer asks a girl to come with him and takes his bagpipes out. After three or four years she has borne him four children; he brags of woman and children. She too brags; they can visit the public house and have money because of his pipes
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (recorded from Davie Stewart)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Travellers' cant. Singer, riding through town, spies a girl. He asks her to go away with him and takes his bagpipes out; after glowering once at him, she goes. First they bed down in a barn, then in a Travellers' camp. After three or four years she has borne him four children; he calls all travellers and hawkers to look at him, for now he goes to town and plays his pipes, and has a woman and children. She brags about him in turn; she goes with him to the public house, and has money from his playing the pipes
KEYWORDS: pride courting love bragging travel music foreignlanguage children family lover Gypsy
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Kennedy 341, "Casro, Manishi-O" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2156
NOTES: The title translates as "Greetings, woman-o." - PJS
File: K341
===
NAME: Cassville Prisoner, The
DESCRIPTION: "To old Cassville they did me take, But did not chain me to an iron stake, The faults they swore was more than one, To send me on to Jefferson. Jefferson didn't bother my mind, It was leavin' you behind, To run around with other boys...."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1921 (Randolph)
KEYWORDS: prison crime separation
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph 147, "The Cassville Prisoner" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #5485
NOTES: "Jefferson" refers to Jefferson City, the long-time home of the Missouri State Penitentiary. - RBW
File: R147
===
NAME: Castaways, The: see The Silk Merchant's Daughter [Laws N10] (File: LN10)
===
NAME: Castle by the Sea, The: see Lady Isabel and the Elf Knight [Child 4] (File: C004)
===
NAME: Castle Gardens (I)
DESCRIPTION: The singer, "convicted and... forced to go," leaves Ireland for America. He yearns for Ireland "where the dear little shamrock grows." He would return for his sweetheart, but she dies (of grief?) and is buried by the singer's father
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1954
KEYWORDS: emigration transportation death Ireland
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Tunney-SongsThunder, pp. 81-82, "Where the Green Shamrock Grows" (1 text)
Meredith/Anderson, pp. 54, 149-150, "Castle Gardens" (1 text plus a fragment, 1 tune)
Roud #16061
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Apprentice Boy" [Laws M12] (theme)
NOTES: Meredith and Anderson connect this with "Covent Gardens" (properly "The Apprentice Boy," Laws M12), but the plot (at least of their first version), although it has some similarities, is distinct. - RBW
Both Tunney-SongsThunder and Meredith/Anderson pp. 149-150 have the singer "evicted" by a landlord for owed back rent, rather than "convicted" as in Meredith/Anderson p. 54. While Meredith/Anderson p. 54 might lead you to believe that it is the singer's sweetheart that died and was buried by his father's side, Meredith/Anderson pp. 149-150 hints and Tunney-SongsThunder confirms that it is the singer's mother that died and was so buried.
Tunney-SongsThunder includes the lines .".. the wind is blowing fair Full sail for Castlegarden"; in both Meredith/Anderson versions the line is "We're/I'm bound for Castle Gardens...." Castle Garden, before and again "Castle Clinton" at The Battery in New York, was entry point for immigrants between 1845 and 1890 [see, for example, "Castle Garden, New York" transcribed from _The Illustrated American_ of March 1, 1890 at Norway-Heritage site]. One problem with using "Castle Garden" for dating is that the name may have remained synonymous with "entry point for New York" long after the building became the New York Aquarium. In my own family I heard about "Kesselgarten" sixty years after it closed although my grandfather arrived in New York in 1903.
For a similar Castle Garden(s) reference see the notes to "Good bye Mursheen Durkin." - BS
File: MA054
===
NAME: Castle Hyde
DESCRIPTION: By Blackwater side the singer admires Castle Hyde's charming meadows, warbling thrushes, sporting lambkins, fine horses; foxes "play and hide," wild animals "skip and play," and trout and salmon rove. Whereever he rides he finds no equal to Castle Hyde.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1947 (Hoagland), with lyrics dating to the nineteenth century at least
KEYWORDS: nonballad lyric animal travel
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Tunney-SongsThunder, p. 67, "Castlehyde" (1 fragment)
ADDITIONAL: Kathleen Hoagland, editor, One Thousand Years of Irish Poetry (New York, 1947), pp. 254-255, "Castlehyde"
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 11(3740), "Castle Hyde" ("As I rode out on a summer's morning"), J. Catnach (London), 1813-1838; also Harding B 11(3739, Johnson Ballads 283[many illegible words], Firth c.26(96), Firth c.21(11), Firth b.25(486)[some illegible words], Harding B 11(323), Harding B 11(552), 2806 c.18(60), "Castle Hyde"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Last Rose of Summer" (tune, per Hoagland)
cf. "Groves of Blarney" (tune and theme, per Hoagland)
cf. "The Groves of Blarney" (theme: extravagant praise of Cork) and references there
NOTES: Tunney-SongsThunder is a fragment; broadside Bodleian Harding B 11(3740) is the basis for the description.
The Tunney-SongsThunder fragment is verse 5 of Hoagland [two lines of which are not in the Bodleian broadsides]. Hoagland's comment on "Castlehyde": "This song is commonly regarded as a type of the absurd English songs composed by some of the Irish peasant bards who knew English only imperfectly.... In burlesque imitation of this song, Richard Alfred Milliken of Cork composed the famous 'Groves of Blarney'; this song -- working as a sort of microbe -- gave origin to a number of imitations of the same general character." On p. 362 "Milliken at a party declared he could write a piece of absurdity that would surpass 'Castle Hyde'.... The Groves of Blarney was the result and Millikin became famous for it."
Castle Hyde is near River Blackwater in County Cork.
Croker has the beginning of the story. "An itinerant poet, with the view of being paid for his trouble, composed a song in praise (as he doubtless intended it) of Castle Hyde, the beautiful seat of the Hyde family on the river Blackwater; but, instead of the expected remuneration, the poor poet was driven from the gate by order of the then proprietor, who from the absurdity of the thing, conceived that it could be only meant as mockery; and, in fact, a more nonsensical composition could scarcely escape the pen of a maniac." (source: Thomas Crofton Croker, _Popular Songs of Ireland_ (London, 1886), p. 137) - BS
File: TST067
===
NAME: Castle of Dromore, The (Caislean Droim an Oir)
DESCRIPTION: "October winds lament around the Castle of Dromore, But peace is in her lofty halls...." The mother comforts her child: none cannot threaten them, and Mary is watching. She bids the child "take time to thrive" before moving on to adult tasks
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1931 (recorded by Richard Hayward)
KEYWORDS: lullaby nonballad children foreignlanguage
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Scott-BoA, pp. 154-155, "The Castle of Dromore (Caislean Droim an Oir)" (2 texts (1 English, 1 Irish Gaelic), 1 tune)
DT, CASTDROM
ADDITIONAL: Richard Hayward, Ireland Calling (Glasgow,n.d.), p. 5, "The Castle of Dromore" (text, music and reference to Decca F-2266 recorded Feb 6, 1931)
RECORDINGS:
The Clancy Brothers and Tommy Makem, "The Castle of Dromore" (on IRClancyMakem02)
NOTES: This song has always suggested a political subtext to me. -PJS
Really?
This song exists in both English and Irish versions; both have been claimed to be original. - RBW
The date and master id (GB-2647-1/2) for Hayward's record is provided by Bill Dean-Myatt, MPhil. compiler of the Scottish National Discography. - BS
File: SBoA154
===
NAME: Castlepollard Massacre, The
DESCRIPTION: Castlepollard fair was peaceful "until the Peelers were brought out to raise a riot there ... their chief he bade them fire." The "murderers" were sent to jail but freed after "a sham trial"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1831 (_Dublin Evening Mail_,August 8, 1831, according to Zimmermann)
KEYWORDS: violence death Ireland political police
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: May 21, 1831 - "Seventeen people were killed by the police at Castlepollard ... in one of the bloodiest affrays of the Tithe War. An inquest followed but the policemen were finally acquitted of the charge of murder." (source: Zimmermann)
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Zimmermann 40, "A New Song Called the Castlepollard Massacre" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Battle of Carrickshock" (subject: The Tithe War) and references there
cf. "Dicky in the Yeomen" (subject: Castlepollard)
NOTES: The context is "The Tithe War": O'Connell's Catholic Association was formed in 1823 to resist the requirement that Irish Catholics pay tithes to the Anglican Church of Ireland. The "war" was passive for most of the period 1823-1836, though there were violent incidents in 1831 (source: _The Irish Tithe War 1831_ at the OnWar.com site)
Zimmermann p. 18: "In the early 1830's a veritable state of insurrection prevailed in Leinster and Munster, when the military and the police were called in to assist in collecting the tithes or seizing and auctioning the cattle or crops of those who refused to pay."
Sir Robert Peel established the Royal Irish Constabulary in 1812 and its success led, in 1829, to the Metropolitan Police Act for London. Originally the term "Peeler" applied to the London constabulary. (source: _Sir Robert "Bobby" Peel (1788-1850)_ at Historic UK site.)
Castlepollard is in County Westmeath, about 50 miles northwest of Dublin. - BS
There was certainly a tendency for police to fire on crowds in Ireland. But I checked six histories without finding an account of this particular tragedy, at least under this title. One suspects more was going on than the song reveals. - RBW
File: Zimm040
===
NAME: Castlereagh River, The
DESCRIPTION: "I'm travelling down the Castlereigh, and I'm a stationhand...." The singer mentions all the stops he's made, and all his reasons for leaving (non-union Chinese workers, an arrogant boss, etc.). He advises, "So shift, boys, shift...."
AUTHOR: claimed by A.B. "Banjo" Paterson
EARLIEST_DATE: 1892 (The _Bulletin_)
KEYWORDS: Australia work travel
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
Meredith/Anderson, pp. 45-46, 83-84, "The Old Jig-Jog"; p. 57, "Travelling Down the Castlereagh; pp. 210-211, "A Bushman's Song" (4 texts, 4 tunes)
Fahey-Eureka, pp. 132-133, "Travelling Down the Castlereigh" (1 text, 1 tune)
Paterson/Fahey/Seal, pp. 290-293, "A Bushman's Song" (1 text)
Manifold-PASB, pp. 158-159, "Travelling Down the Castlereigh" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CSTLREAG
Roud #8399
RECORDINGS:
John Greenway, "The Castlereagh River" (on JGreenway01)
NOTES: Paterson's title for this was "A Bushman's Song" -- but it is perhaps noteworthy that few traditional singers knew it by that title.... Joe Cashmere, when he supplied a version of the song to John Meredith, believed he learned it before Paterson published the song. But, as Paterson/Fahey/Seal note, it's hard to prove it predated Paterson. - RBW
File: MA045
===
NAME: Castleroe Mill
DESCRIPTION: The singer meets a girl on Lammas Day. He tells her that he has saved up enough to emigrate to Canada, and asks if she will go with him. She cannot leave; her parents are "on the decline." He departs but hopes he can return to her
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1924 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: love courting rejection father mother emigration age
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H22b, p. 361, "Castleroe Mill" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #4719
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "We'd Better Bide a Wee" (theme)
cf. "Betsy of Dramoor" (theme)
File: HHH022b
===
NAME: Castles in the Air: see English Miner, The (The Coolgardie Miner, Castles in the Air) (File: MA115)
===
NAME: Castration of the Strawberry Roan, The
DESCRIPTION: The roan's owner, tired of it siring equally stubborn offspring, decides to put an end to the matter by gelding the beast. They rope it down, and a cowboy commences the operation. Before it can be completed, the roan bites off the owner's own equipment
AUTHOR: probably Curley Fletcher
EARLIEST_DATE: 1964 (Legman, _The Horn Book_, cites the Sons of the Pioneers recording)
KEYWORDS: horse humorous bawdy injury derivative
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Logsdon 13, pp. 86-96, "The Castration of the Strawberry Roan" (3 texts, of which "A" is this, 1 tune)
Roud #10089
RECORDINGS:
Anonymous [Sons of the Pioneers], "Strawberry Roan" (no label, number 204-A, n.d. but probably late 1940s)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Strawberry Roan" [Laws B18] (tune, character of the Roan)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Emasculation of the Strawberry Roan
NOTES: The story of this song apparently begins in a fit of pique.
According to Logsdon, Curley Fletcher wrote the original "Strawberry Roan" as a poem, to which a melody was later added. But Fletcher the chorus/bridge, which was the work of Fred Howard and Nat Vincent. So he produced this extremely scatological parody to get back at them.
How traditional it is is an open question. The Sons of the Pioneers recorded it, anonymously, and Baxter Black sang Logsdon a variant on that. Legman, on p. 404 of _The Horn Book_, considers it one of the few genuine songs on a "private party" 78. But I suspect the Sons of the Pioneers recording is the source for nearly all of the few versions collected.
Logsdon's entry on this song includes two other Strawberrry Roan variants that could not be sung in polite society. One was simply a more detailed saga of riding the roan; the other is about a visit to a whorehouse and is basically "Kathusalem (Kafoozelum) (II)" adapted to cowboy circumstances. These two might be traditional, but until I find additional collections, I'm merely going to note them.
File: Logs013
===
NAME: Cat Came Back, The
DESCRIPTION: (Old Mister Johnson) makes many attempts to rid himself of his cat -- blowing it up, shipping it away, etc. But in every instance "The cat came back the very next day... They thought he was a goner, but the kitty came back...."
AUTHOR: probably Henry S. Miller
EARLIEST_DATE: 1924 (recording, Fiddlin' John Carson); the Miller text is dated 1893
KEYWORDS: animal separation return humorous
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
Randolph 444, "The Cat Came Back" (1 text, 1 tune)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 350-352, "The Cat Came Back" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 444)
Spaeth-ReadWeep, p. 147, "The Cat Came Back" (fragmentary text, partial tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 400, "The Cat Came Back" (1 text)
DT, CATBACK CATBACK2
Roud #5063
RECORDINGS:
Yodeling Slim Clark, "The Cat Came Back" (Continental 8063, n.d.)
Fiddlin' John Carson, "And The Cat Came Back" (Okeh 40119, 1924)
Riley Puckett, "The Cat Came Back" (Columbia 15656-D, 1931; rec. 1930) (Decca 5442, 1937)
Fiddlin' Doc Roberts, "And The Cat Came Back" (instrumental) (Challenge 307, 1927; Silvertone 8179, 1928)
NOTES: Spaeth, in _A History of Popular Music in America_, says that Henry S. Miller's version of this song was popular in 1893; presumably it was written about that time. - RBW
File: R444
===
NAME: Cat Came Fiddling Out of a Barn, A: see The Fly and the Bumblebee (Fiddle-Dee-Dee) (File: Lins196)
===
NAME: Cat's Eye
DESCRIPTION: "I was going up the hill, I met a girl on a bicycle, Run her into the garden wall, Smashed her tire and broke her fall," and more rhymes like that. The chorus likens Jim to a cat eating fish-bones, scratching, on the fence at night, a "cat's eye"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (Leach-Labrador)
KEYWORDS: humorous nonballad nonsense animal food
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Leach-Labrador 108, "Cat's Eye" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST LLab108 (Partial)
Roud #9972
File: LLab108
===
NAME: Cat's Got the Measles and the Dog's Got Whooping Cough, The
DESCRIPTION: Floating verses; "Cat's got the measles and the dog's got whooping cough, doggone/Doggone a man let a woman be his boss, doggone my time" "I ain't good looking... but my main occupation's takin' women from their monkey men...."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1929 (recording, Walter Smith)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Floating verses; "Cat's got the measles and the dog's got whooping cough, doggone/Doggone a man let a woman be his boss, doggone my time" "I ain't good looking and my teeth don't shine like pearls, doggone..." "...but my main occupation's takin' women from their monkey men, doggone my time"
KEYWORDS: sex bragging floatingverses nonballad
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Papa Charlie Jackson, "The Cat's Got the Measles" (Paramount 12259, 1925)
New Lost City Ramblers, "The Cat's Got the Measles and the Dog's Got Whooping Cough" (NLCR14, NLCRCD2)
Walter "Kid" Smith, "The Cat's Got the Measles and the Dog's Got Whooping Cough" (Gennett 6825/Supertone 9407 [as by Jerry Jordon], 1929)
NOTES: Other than the similarity in title, this song has nothing in common with "Sow Took the Measles", not even enough for a cross-reference. - PJS
File: RcCGTMDG
===
NAME: Catalpa, The: see The Fenian's Escape (The Catalpa) (File: FaE056)
===
NAME: Catch of the Season
DESCRIPTION: "Now we are facing a wonderful future, Gone are the winters we've always endured": unemployment insurance for fishermen. After 20 weeks of rated hauls, "sit back and do nothing for the rest of the year"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1959 (NFOBlondahl02, NFOBlondahl03, NFOBlondahl05)
KEYWORDS: fishing unemployment political humorous nonballad
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1957 - Canada extends unemployment insurance to fishers (see notes)
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Omar Blondahl, "Catch of the Season" (on NFOBlondahl02)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Unemployment Insurance" (theme)
NOTES: Source of Historical Reference: _History of Newfoundland and Labrador Summary Chronology of Events_ by Dr. Melvin Baker (Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada, March 2003), available as bakerchronology.pdf as a research paper at the Newfoundland and Labrador government site of the Royal Commission on Renewing and Strengthening Our Place in Canada
Blondahl02, NFOBlondahl03, and NFOBlondahl05 have no liner notes confirming that this song was collected in Newfoundland. Nevertheless, this seems so much in the Newfoundland style that I am "finding" it there.
There is no entry for "Catch of the Season" in _Newfoundland Songs and Ballads in Print 1842-1974 A Title and First-Line Index_ by Paul Mercer. - BS
File: RcTCOTSe
===
NAME: Catfish, The (Banjo Sam)
DESCRIPTION: "Catfish, catfish, goin' up stream, Catfish, catfish, where you been? I grabbed that catfish by the snout, I pulled that catfish inside out, Yo-ho! Banjo Sam." Other verses also tall tales, usually involving animals, e.g. the terrapin and the toad
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1918 (Cecil Sharp collection)
KEYWORDS: animal nonsense talltale floatingverses fishing humorous music
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
BrownIII 182, "The Catfish" (1 text plus 3 fragments)
SharpAp 251, "The Jackfish" (1 text, 1 tune)
Scarborough-NegroFS, p. 98, (no title) (1 single-stanza text, regarding the terrapin and the toad, which could be from this or almost anything else); also p. 199, (no title) (1 fragment, probably from this though it's too short to tell)
Roud #7010
RECORDINGS:
Poplin Family, "Catfish" (on Poplin01)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Turkey in the Straw" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Sweet Heaven" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Jack Was Every Inch a Sailor" (fish story)
NOTES: This is complicated, because every one of Brown's verses is associated with "Turkey in the Straw." But the three texts all lack that chorus, and "A" has a "banjo Sam" chorus line of its own. And apparently all had a different tune. When in doubt, we split. - RBW
For some reason, this song makes me think of "Whoa Back Buck," but not quite enough for a cross-reference. It almost certainly derives from minstrel sources, and shouldn't be confused with the popular "Catfish Blues." - PJS
File: Vr3182
===
NAME: Catherine Berringer
DESCRIPTION: Broadside account of a murder: "Muse breathe the Dirge o'er Delia's tomb...." "She from the man she once did love... received the fatal cup... And drunk the poison up." "O Bernard t'was a barbarous deed." The girl hopes others will mourn her
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1958 (Burt)
KEYWORDS: murder poison
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Burt, pp. 36-37, "An Eulogy on the Death of MISS CATHERINE BERRINGER who was poisoned by her lover" (1 text, excerpted)
NOTES: Don't ask me why the girl is named Catherine but called Delia (and the poem uses the name "Delia" at least twice). Whatever the girl's real name, it's at least as dreadful as the quoted sections -- and pretty definitely not traditional. - RBW
File: Burt036
===
NAME: Catherine Etait Fille (Catherine was a Girl)
DESCRIPTION: French. Catherine is the king's daughter. Her mother is a Christian but her father is not. Her father finds her praying. She says that she prays to God, but he does not. He kills her with his sabre. Catherine is in heaven, but her father is not.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1949 (Creighton-Maritime)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage murder religious father royalty questions violence crime death discrimination Hell
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Creighton-Maritime, pp. 154-155, "Catherine Etait Fille" (1 text, 1 tune)
RECORDINGS:
Laura McNeil, "Catherine Etait Fille" (on MRHCreighton)
NOTES: The description is based on the translation in the notes to MRHCreighton. - BS
There are a number of early Christian legends about this sort of martyrdom. (Interesting that the name "Katherine" is from Greek "katharos," "pure.") This one doesn't ring any bells as written, though. - RBW
File: CrMa154
===
NAME: Cathie and Me
DESCRIPTION: "The sun kissed the brow of lovely Ben Ledi And wrapt it in raiment of rainbowlike hue" as the singer strolls with Cathie. They enjoy the charms of nature, and he thanks the fates that brought them together
AUTHOR: Walter Towers
EARLIEST_DATE: 1930 (Ord); reportedly published by Towers in 1885
KEYWORDS: love nonballad
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ord, pp. 59-60, "Cathie and Me" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #5570
File: Ord059
===
NAME: Cats on the Rooftops
DESCRIPTION: Stanzas on how various animals (people, military stuffed shirts, politicians) "revel in the joys of fornication"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1950
KEYWORDS: sex animal soldier bawdy nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(SW) Canada Britain
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Cray, pp. 368-372, "Cats on the Rooftops" (3 texts, 1 tune)
DT, CATSROOF* CATROOF2*
Roud #10258
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "John Peel" (tune)
File: EM368
===
NAME: Cattie Sits in the Kiln Ring, The
DESCRIPTION: "The cattie sat in the kiln-ring, Spinning, spinning, And by cam a little wee mousie, Running, running."  Cat and mouse converse about their activities: The cat spinning a sark for its kit; the mouse cleaning and thieving. (The cat eats the mouse)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1964 (Montgomerie)
KEYWORDS: animal clothes food money
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Montgomerie-ScottishNR 195, "(The cattie sat in the kiln-ring)" (1 text)
DT, CATSPIN
File: MSNR195
===
NAME: Catting the Anchor
DESCRIPTION: Shanty. Moderate 3/4 tempo. "Pull one and all. Hoy, hoy. Cherry men! On the cat fall! Hoy, hoy. Cherry men! Answer the call! Hoy, hoy! Cherry men! Hoy. Hau-lee. Hoy! Hoy! Oh cherry men!"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1917 (Robinson in _The Bellman_)
KEYWORDS: shanty worksong
FOUND_IN: Britain
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
ADDITIONAL: Captain John Robinson, "Songs of the Chantey Man," a series published July-August 1917 in the periodical _The Bellman_ (Minneapolis, MN, 1906-1919)."Catting the Anchor" is in Part 2, 7/21/1917.
File: RobCatAn
===
NAME: Cattle Call
DESCRIPTION: The singer describes his life while "singing [his] cattle call": "When the new day is dawning I wake up a-yawning, Drinkin my coffee strong." "Each day I do ride o'er a range far and waide... I don't mind the weather, my heart's like a feather...."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1966
KEYWORDS: cowboy work
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fife-Cowboy/West 111, "Cattle Call" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #11089
File: FCW111
===
NAME: Cattleman's Prayer, The
DESCRIPTION: "Now, O Lord, please lend Thine ear, The prayer of the cattleman to hear." He prays, "Won't you bless our cattle range," and asks for good weather, adequate forage, safety from fires, good prices, and many offspring for the cattle
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1885 (Socorro [N.M.] Bullion)
KEYWORDS: cowboy religious nonballad animal
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Fife-Cowboy/West 126, "The Cattleman's Prayer" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ohrlin-HBT 51, "The Cowman's Prayer" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #5101
RECORDINGS:
Carl T. Sprague, "Cowman's Prayer" (Victor 21402, 1928)
File: FCW126
===
NAME: Cauldrife Wooer, The: see The Brisk Young Lad (File: FVS294)
===
NAME: Cavalilly Man, The
DESCRIPTION: "As from Newcastle I did pass, I heard a blythe and bonny lass That in the Scottish army was, Say, 'Prithee let me gang with thee, man.'" She begs her Cavalier to let her come with him
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1670 (The Dancing Master)
KEYWORDS: love separation
FOUND_IN: Britain(England)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Chappell/Wooldridge II, pp. 22-27, "Cavalilly Man" (1 tune, partial text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Banks of the Nile (Men's Clothing I'll Put On II)" [Laws N9] (plot) and references there
SAME_TUNE:
Hi-ho, my heart it is light/The Well-shaped West-Country Lass (BBI ZN1153)
Hie hoe, pray what shall I do/Roger, the West Country Lad (BBI ZN1154)
From the tap in the guts of the honourable stump/A Litany from Geneva (BBI ZN936)
NOTES: The text in Chappell/Woolridge is incomplete, so it is impossible to tell if this is actually a cross-dressing song along the lines of "The Banks of the Nile." The plot, however, is obviously similar.
The reference to a "Cavalilly" (i.e. a Cavalier) is clearly a reference to the Cavaliers, supporters of Charles I in the English Civil War of the 1640s.
This is another song which cannot be shown to exist in tradition. Its use for several broadsides, however, argues for its presence here. - RBW
File: ChWII026
===
NAME: Cavan Buck, The
DESCRIPTION: Going to Lord Farnham's to join a July 12 Orange walk, Walker's buck has a fight with MacNamee's bulldog. The buck asks for mercy. He would even dress in green. The goat is let go but the dog follows and kills him. MacNamee wishes for more such dogs.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1970 (Morton-Ulster)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: July 12 Walker's buck is dressed in purple robes, given "a word and a sign," and sent to Lord Farnham's to join the Orange walk. On the way he meets MacNamee's bulldog and explains his mission. The dog, claiming to be sent by Sarsfield, challenges him but the buck won't fight because he might ruin his finery. The dog attacks anyway. The buck asks for mercy. He would even dress in green. The bulldog doubts the goat's sincerity but releases him. The goat runs home to Walker. He tells his story and, despite Walker's urging, runs away (probably forgetting his oath to dress in green). The dog follows and kills him. MacNamee says if he had fifty more dogs "just half as well inclined as he, I'll give you my oath in Cavan town, an Orange walk you ne'er would see"
KEYWORDS: fight death humorous political talltale
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Morton-Ulster 38, "The Cavan Buck" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2882
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Peeler and the Goat" (tune, according to Morton-Ulster)
NOTES: The Orange Walk on July 12 celebrates the victory by William of Orange at the Boyne in 1690. Orangemen dress in their colors, sing Orange songs, and march. As can be imagined, the "other side" was often offended.
The choice of a buck to represent the Orange is standard. Having an [English] bulldog represent the other side seems a strange use of a symbol; apparently even the goat was taken in until told that the bulldog, in this case, represented Sarsfield: the primary hero on the other side of the Battle of the Boyne. [For the career of Sarsfield, see the notes to "After Aughrim's Great Disaster." - RBW]
Morton-Ulster: "Many attempts have been made to stop the marches in the past, especially at times of strained relations in the community. The 1820s constituted such a time. The mention of Lord Farnham would suggest that this song comes from that period. Farnham was a staunch and convinced Protestant." - BS

File: MorU038
===
NAME: Cave Love Has Gained the Day: see Go In and Out the Window (File: R538)
===
NAME: Cavehill Diamond (I), The
DESCRIPTION: "In Ireland's ancient days" when Belfast was small Mary herded sheep on Lagan side. Prince Dermoid hunted deer on Cave Hill. He loved Mary whose eyes were brighter than the Diamond. She asked that he bring her the diamond. Trying, he fell to his death.
AUTHOR: Robert Hanna (source: Leyden)
EARLIEST_DATE: c.1890-1918 (J Nicholson ballad sheet, according to Leyden)
KEYWORDS: courting request death royalty
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Leyden 4, "The Cavehill Diamond" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #3579
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Cavehill Diamond (II) (subject of the Cavehill Diamond)
cf. "Belfast Mountains (The Diamonds of Derry)" (subject of the Cavehill Diamond)
cf. "Belfast Town" (subject of the Cavehill Diamond)
NOTES: See "Belfast Mountains (The Diamonds of Derry)" for the background for the Cavehill Diamond.
Leyden: "[Hanna] was obviously inspired by the much older ballad 'Belfast Town', from which he plagiarized the second and third verses." - BS
File: Leyd004
===
NAME: Cavehill Diamond (II), The
DESCRIPTION: There was a feud between Magennis and O'Neill. Princess Ellen, Red Hugh O'Neill's daughter, loved Magennis. She disappeared when she was to wed old Earl James. After three years Magennis went to consult a holy hermit living on Cave Hill. It was Ellen.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: c.1890-1918 (J Nicholson ballad sheet, according to Leyden)
KEYWORDS: courting feud reunion separation disguise royalty
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Leyden 5, "The Cavehill Diamond" (1 text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Cavehill Diamond (I) (subject of the Cavehill Diamond)
cf. "Belfast Mountains (The Diamonds of Derry)" (subject of the Cavehill Diamond)
cf. "Belfast Town" (subject of the Cavehill Diamond)
NOTES: The Diamond, though in the title, is never mentioned in the text; I suppose we are to take Princess Ellen as the diamond of the title. See "Belfast Mountains (The Diamonds of Derry)" for the background for the Cavehill Diamond. - BS
For Red Hugh O'Neill, see the notes to "O'Donnell Aboo (The Clanconnell War Song)." This seems to be the only song linking the O'Neills to the Cavehill Diamond. - RBW
File: Leyd005
===
NAME: Cavenagh Hill
DESCRIPTION: "I'm bidding adieu to old Ireland." The singer recalls "childhood days that I spent Around dear old Cavenagh Hill," hunting fields, poteen and the football team from Scotshouse town. Years have passed. He has news that a huntsman, McCabe, has died.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1980 (IRHardySons)
KEYWORDS: emigration farewell death hunting sports drink Ireland nonballad
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #17896
RECORDINGS:
James Halpin, "Cavenagh Hill" (on IRHardySons)
NOTES: Notes to IRHardySons: "This might not be a Fermanagh song; the village of Scotshouse is just over the Monaghan border on the R212, south of Clones." - BS
File: rcCavaHi
===
NAME: Caviar Comes from Virgin Sturgeon
DESCRIPTION: This quatrain ballad extols the virtues of caviar as an aphrodisiac; reports that the singer's parents were a lighthouse keeper and a mermaid; and details the sex lives of various denizens of the deep
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1934
KEYWORDS: bawdy humorous animal
FOUND_IN: Australia Canada Britain(England) US(MW,So,SW)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Cray, pp. 240-243, "Caviar Comes from the Virgin Sturgeon" (3 texts, 1 tune)
JHJohnson, pp. 124-126, "The Ballad of The Virgin Sturgeon" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 157, "The Virgin Sturgeon" (1 text)
DT, VRGNSTRG* VRGNSTR2* VRGNSTR3*
Roud #10131
RECORDINGS:
Anonymous singers, "The Keeper of the Eddystone Light" (on Unexp1)
Charley Drew, "Caviar Comes from Virgin Sturgeon" (Party 6A/Musicraft Party 6A/Gala 2101, n.d. but probably 1939-1940)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Reuben and Rachel" (tune)
cf. "The Keeper of the Eddystone Light" (theme)
NOTES: While the recording on "The Unexpurgated Folk Songs of Men" is [listed as] "Eddystone Light," it's mostly this song. Of course, they overlap so heavily that the distinction is fishy. - PJS
File: EM240
===
NAME: Cawsand Bay
DESCRIPTION: A ship is preparing to depart when a lady hails the ship. She demands the release of (Henry Grady), one of the sailors. The Captain objects, but she offers his discharge. The two depart and live happily ever after
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1920 (Oxford Book of Ballads)
KEYWORDS: love sea freedom reunion ship
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
OBB 168, "Cawsand Bay" (1 text)
C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907, p. 328,"Cawsand Bay" (1 text)
ST OBB168 (Partial)
Roud #2107
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Jolly Plowboy (Little Plowing Boy; The Simple Plowboy)" [Laws M24]
File: OBB168
===
NAME: Caze Love Has Gained the Day: see Go In and Out the Window (File: R538)
===
NAME: Cease Rude Boreas: see The Tempest (Cease Rude Boreas) (File: SWMS070)
===
NAME: Cecil Gone in the Time of Storm
DESCRIPTION: In 1933, young Cecil sails to Mastic Point; he vanishes. After eight days they search. Cecil's mother finds the boat but not him; singer says Cecil's been drowned, and the mother falls on the ground in agony, asking God to make peace with his soul
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1958 (recording, Frederick McQueen & group)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: In 1933, young Cecil decides to sail to Mastic Point; he gets in the boat and sets off, but vanishes. After eight days his family and friends search; his uncle says he made it as far as Nicholas Town, but he hasn't been seen since. Singer meets Cecil's mother, who says she's found the boat but not him; singer says Cecil's been drowned, and the mother falls on the ground in agony, asking God to make peace with his soul
KEYWORDS: grief travel death drowning mourning sea ship disaster storm wreck family mother
FOUND_IN: Bahamas
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Frederick McQueen & group, "Cecil Gone in the Time of Storm" (on MuBahamas2)
NOTES: Although Frederick McQueen certainly shaped the song into its most-sung form, Samuel Charters notes that there is evidence Willie Bullard from Long East Cay was singing the song in the 1930s. As a result, I've left the author field "Unknown." - PJS
File: RcCGITOS
===
NAME: Cedar Grove, The [Laws D18]
DESCRIPTION: The "Cedar Grove" sails from London to America. She runs aground off Canso because the helmsman cannot violate discipline. The captain, two crew members, and a passenger are lost, and the ship sinks
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Mackenzie)
KEYWORDS: sea wreck death
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Nov 20, 1882 - Wreck of the Cedar Grove off Saint Andrew's Island near Canso, Nova Scotia. She was on her way from London to Halifax
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Laws D18, "The Cedar Grove"
Doerflinger, pp. 186-187, "The Loss of the Cedar Grove" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 89, "The Cedar Grove" (1 text)
Ives-NewBrunswick, pp. 136-139, "The Cedar Grove" (1 text, 1 tune)
Manny/Wilson 9, "The Cedar Grove" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 687, CEDARGRV
Roud #1959
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Maid of Timahoe" (tune)
cf. "The Loss of the Albion" [Laws D2]
NOTES: Naval discipline dictated that the helmsman could not speak or be spoken to. Normally this was a good idea -- it prevented distractions -- but here it proved disastrous. (For a similar mix-up, see, of all things, Lewis Carroll's _The Hunting of the Snark_.)
Doerflinger considers this to be derived from "The Loss of the Albion." - RBW
Manny/Wilson: "The song is said to have been written by James A Dillon, author of the Rescue of the E A Horton." - BS
I have a note (which was included in prior editions of the Index) stating that the song is by Captain Cale Maitland. I can't find my source for this statement, so I have removed the name from the Author field, but presumably I had some reason for putting it there, so I am leaving the author unknown. - RBW
File: LD18
===
NAME: Cedar Swamp
DESCRIPTION: "Way low down in the cedar swamp, Waters deep and muddy, There I met a pretty little miss...." The singer builds a home for the girl, who is "a honey"; "Makes me work all through the week, And get stove-wood on Sunday."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1940 (copyright, Jean Ritchie/Geordie Music)
KEYWORDS: work playparty
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ritchie-Southern, p. 76, "Cedar Swamp" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST RiSo076 (Partial)
Roud #7408
NOTES: I rather suspect this is derived from "Fly Around, My Pretty Little Miss" or one of its myriad relatives, but the lyrics are different, and the tune, while it could be related, is a few notes shorter in the chorus, so I am splitting them without hesitation. - RBW
File: RiSo076
===
NAME: Celebrated Working Man, The: see In the Bar-Room (The Celebrated Working-Man) (File: RcITBRCW)
===
NAME: Cetch in the Creel, The: see The Keach i the Creel [Child 281] (File: C281)
===
NAME: Chahcoal Man
DESCRIPTION: A street cry? "O-o-o-oh, lil' man, Go get yo' pan, Tell-a yo' mam Hyeh come de chahcoal man-n-n. Chahcoal!"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Sandburg)
KEYWORDS: work commerce nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Sandburg, p. 459, "Chahcoal Man" (1 short text, 1 tune)
File: San459
===
NAME: Chain Gang Special: see Buddy Won't You Roll Down the Line (File: ADR98)
===
NAME: Chamber Lye
DESCRIPTION: In the original text -- the song was updated to the first world war -- a Confederate agent asks the ladies of Montgomery, Alabama, to save their night water, so that saltpeter necessary for the manufacture of gunpowder might be extracted.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: scatological bawdy Civilwar derivative
FOUND_IN: US(So,SW)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Randolph-Legman II, pp. 659-662, "Chamber Lye" (1 text)
Cray, The Erotic Muse (1st edition ), pp. 140-141, 17, "Chamber Lye" (1 text)
Roud #8391
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "O Tannenbaum (Oh Christmas Tree)" (tune) and references there
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
John Harloson's Saltpeter
NOTES: Said to date from 1864 and a request made in either Selma or Montgomery, Alabama.
By the later portion of the 20th Century, this ballad had apparently fallen out of oral currency. - EC
In earlier editions of the Index, I questioned the truth of the report about the song coming from Alabama, simply because Union troops were so late in reaching central Alabama. But the request need not have been local to that area. Saltpeter (needed to make black powder) was not available in many parts of the south, and Isaac M. St. John (1827-1880), chief of the Mining and Nitre Bureau, did appeal to southern women to save the contents of their chamber pots.
Saltpeter had always been a useful product. Even in ancient times, it was used by fullers and dyers; it helped fix colors, and also helped create some otherwise hard-to-achieve hues. We still use it today for things such as reducing the pain of sensitive teeth (see Simon Quellen Field, _Why There's Antifreeze in Your Toothpaste_, Chicago Review Books, 2008, p 171), although it is now possible to produce it artificiially.
It appears that saltpeter in ancient times was not a precise term. It seems to have been used most often for potassium nitrate, KNO3, but other nitrates such as sodium nitrate (NaNO3, sometimes called "Chile saltpeter" or "caliche") were sometimes used before chemistry became more precise. For many purposes, the difference between nitrate types was rather minor; it was the nitrate that gave the "bang" -- and also contained the nitrogen which made waste materials a good fertilizer. (Note that ammonium nitrate, NH4NO3, which might have been considered a saltpeter by the ancients, is still used as a fertilizer and as the basis for explosives! Sodium nitrate does not make as good a gunpowder as potassium nitrate, since it is more likely to absorb water and degrade, but the two are relatively easy to convert; see Stephen R. Bown, _A Most Damnable Invention: Dynamite, Nitrates, and the Making of the Modern World_, Dunne, 2005, p. 148)
But natural saltpeter was rare. Early on, it was discovered that it could be manufactured from animal wastes. Mammal urine contain urea (CO(NH2)2), and bird droppings contain uric acid (C5H4N4O3), both of which could be reacted with alkalis to produce saltpeter. The usual method was to place the droppings on an alkaline soil and then going through various purifying steps (see Bown, pp. 28-33).
As early as Roman times, then, we see dyers collecting their own urine, plus whatever others wanted to donate. This was adequate for cloth manufacture, but it left no excess.
And then the demand skyrocketed. The reason is simple: Black powder (gunpowder) consists of sulfur, charcoal (carbon), and saltpeter.
From the start, saltpeter was the largest component; Roger Bacon's formula in the thirteenth century was five parts charcoal, five parts sulfur, seven parts saltpeter (so John Emsley, _Nature's Building Blocks: An A-Z Guide to the Elements_, corrected edition, Oxford, 2003, p. 412). But it was quickly found that more saltpeter was better; Charles Henry Ashdown, _European Arms & Armor_ (I use the 1995 Barnes & Noble edition, which appears to be a reprint though no information is given on the original publication), p. 361, says that "Schwartz, a German Frank, perfected it about a century [after Bacon]." This would mean that Edward IV, for instance, would use the more modern formulation -- and, indeed, when he invaded France in the 1470s, we find that he had need to carry with him "hundreds of shot of stone, barrels of gunpowder, sulphur, brimstone, saltpetre" (see Elizabeth Jenkins, _The Princes in the Tower_, Coward McCann, & Geoghan, 1978, p. 104). It's not clear why sulfur is mentioned twice and charcoal not at all (perhaps the English expected to make the charcoal on the spot?), but it is clear that no one expected local supplies of saltpeter or sulfur to be adequate.
By the time the use of gunpowder was widespread, the saltpeter made up two-thirds to three-quarters of the total (the modern formulation is 75% saltpeter, 15% charcoal, 10% sulfur, according to Field, p. 177), yet it was the hardest component to find and to purify. With limited natural supplies. saltpeter had to be manufactured on a large scale.
Which meant -- let's face it -- that a lot of waste had to be gathered and processed. According to Bown, pp. 33-34, it was Charles I of England who in 1626 made what was apparently the earliest proclamation ordering people to collect the contents of their chamber pots. (It almost makes you wonder if that's why they rebelled against him.) The result was the institution of the "saltpetermen" or "petermen" (Bown, pp. 36-38) -- people whose intrusive behavior hardly endeared them to the population. It's interesting to note that, in later usage, the word "peterman" came to mean a thief.
Bown, p. 47, goes so far as to argue that France lost the Seven Years' War in part due to saltpeter shortage. I have not seen this claim advanced in any of the usual histories of the period, however.
After a time the dirty business was exported, mostly to India (Bown, p. 40), where there were lots and lots of people -- which meant both lots of human waste and lots of unemployed people to process it. Later, an even more concentrated source was found in the bat and bird guano found in Latin America (Floyd L. Darrow, _The Story of Chemistry_, Chautauqua Press, 1928, p. 216, says that Chilean saltpeter began to be exported in 1830; see also "Tommy's Gone to Hilo"). Bown, p. 149, implies that caliche was in use even before that, being used to make gunpowder during the Napoleonic Wars. It wasn't until the twentieth century that the Haber process made it possible to extract atmospheric nitrogen. Until then, a country had to either import nitrates or make them.
A nation at war burned through its supplies quickly. During the Napoleonic Wars, Britain is said to have imported 20,000 tons of saltpeter a year (Bown, p. 48).
The Confederacy probably needed even more. The standard charge of a Civil War rifle musket was 60 grains, or 4 grams. So that's 3 grams of saltpeter. A typical infantryman carried 40 rounds when going into battle -- 120 grams. (He would often fire far more rounds than that, to be sure.) Let's say that there were 75,000 Confederate soldiers at Gettysburg (which is about right). The typical soldier probably fired about 65 rounds. So that's 75,000 soldiers times 65 rounds times 3 grams, or 14,625,000 grams. 14,625 kilograms. 15 tons of saltpeter just for the *infantrymen* in one single battle. Artillery, which took much larger charges, would have required even more.
And the Confederacy spent the entire war under Union blockade. Importing by land was impossible; whatever they had had to come in by sea. Initially blockade runners could bring in some. But the blockade tightened as the war progressed. By 1863, the blockade was pretty tight. That left domestic manufacture as the only source of saltpeter. Hence the collection of slops from Confederate bedrooms -- and hence this song.
Incidentally, even the replacement of gunpowder with smokeless powders did not eliminate the need for nitrates. Nitroglycerin and its successors required nitric acid, and this too was derived from saltpeter and its relatives. Cordite, for instance, the propellant in British firearms, consisted of nitroglycerin and guncotton (both of which required nitrates to manufacture) plus vaseline. During World War I, therefore, nitrates once again became an issue -- Germany had the Haber process, but the Entente powers were still using Chilean saltpeter, according to Darrow, p. 215.
(As a matter of fact, some historians, cited by Bown, p. 218, speculate that Germany did not dare start World War I until the Haber process guaranteed their nitrate supply. I grant that, until 1914, the Germans hadn't pushed diplomatic crises so hard -- but World War I came about largely because of the ineptitude of Wilhelm II of Germany and Franz Joseph of Austria, and what are the odds that either of them made such calculations?)
(Haber's work would earn him the Nobel Prize in chemistry, and it was surely deserved. The award had to be given almost in secret, however, because he had spent the bulk of the Great War working on poison gas. He was not someone you would want to know; his role in gas warfare actually led his first wife to commit suicide -- Bown, p. 226.)
There was a brief time after the Battle of Coronel when Graf Spee's German fleet had driven the English away from Chile.Britain moved instantly to crush Graf Spee's fleet (which they would do at the Battle of the Falkland Islands). Most histories of World War I viewed this as an issue of prestige, but Darrow, p. 216, argues that the saltpeter was needed for the war effort, and Bown, p. 192, thinks this was a reason for the swift British response, though he admits there is no evidence for this. Bown, p. 198, argues that the infamous "shell shortage" of 1915 was also due to nitrate bottlenecks, though most histories simply assert "manufacturing difficulties." My guess is, British factories had enough nitrates for the amount of shell they actually were able to provide but would not have had enough to make all the weapons the generals wanted -- note that, according to Bown, p. 200, nitrate exports from Chile increased 50% during the War even though Germany was completely cut off from the market. At one time, according to Bown, p. 201, there was a 300% price premium during the war.
Even in the period after the Great War, Darrow (p. 229) notes that the United States maintained a Fixed Nitrogen Research Laboratory. As late as the 1920s, Chile was still supplying almost a third of the world's nitrates (Darrow, p. 230), though refinements of the Haber process were rapidly making more available, and new research also allowed nitrogen to be extracted from coal as it was converted to coke. It wasn't until 1926 (according to the numbers in Darrow, p. 233) that the nitrate business really began to decline -- the stocks of the companies fell by more than 50% in that year. - RBW
File: RL659
===
NAME: Champagne Charlie
DESCRIPTION: "I've seen a deal of gaiety throughout my noisy life; With all my grand accomplishments I ne'er could get a wife... For Champagne Charlie is my name (x2), Good for any game at night my boys." The singer details his drunken life
AUTHOR: Music by Alfred Lee/Words by Lee and/or George Leybourne
EARLIEST_DATE: 1864
KEYWORDS: drink nonballad courting
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
RJackson-19CPop, pp. 47-52, "Champagne Charlie" (1 text, 1 tune)
Gilbert, pp. 60-61, "Champaign Charlie" (1 text)
RECORDINGS:
Blind [Arthur] Blake, "Champaign [sic] Charlie Is My Name" (Paramount 13137/Crown 3357, 1932; on BefBlues3)
NOTES: This is one of several songs developed as vehicles for George Leybourne (real name: Joe Saunders; c. 1842-1884), a singer and actor who made a living spoofing the life of upper-class British society. As "Heavy Swell," Leybourne exaggerated the hard-drinking, hard-gambling life of the young London dandy -- but only slightly.
Of all the songs Leybourne used, this was the most popular. It is, however, questionable whether he actually had a hand in the lyrics; many believe that they, like the tune, come from Alfred Lee. In America, it also received two new texts, one by H.J. Whymark and another by George Cooper. - RBW
File: RJ19047
===
NAME: Champion He Was a Dandy
DESCRIPTION: Michael McCarthy bets that his twenty-pound bulldog Champion can beat all comers. He matches him with a black-and-tan terrier to fight in a ring in the bog. The terrier kills the bulldog. McCarthy kicks the terrier into the bog for revenge
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960s (recording, Jack Elliotr)
KEYWORDS: fight death gambling dog
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(North))
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #12934
RECORDINGS:
Jack Elliott, "Champion He Was a Dandy" (on Voice18)
File: RcChHWaD
===
NAME: Champion of Court Hill, The: see The Champion of Coute Hill (File: LeBe018)
===
NAME: Champion of Coute Hill, The
DESCRIPTION: William White meets Kate and convinces her to "try our skill" on Coute Hill. Though "manys a time he said to me 'No one I love but thee'," he marries Belle Madel, leaving her "ruined right, by William White, the champion of Coute Hill"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1961 (Manny/Wilson)
KEYWORDS: infidelity marriage sex lover
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar,Newf)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Lehr/Best 18, "The Champion of Court Hill" (1 text, 1 tune)
Manny/Wilson 75, "In Smiling June the Roses Bloom" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST LeBe018 (Partial)
Roud #7066 and 9209
NOTES: Is this "Coute Hill" or "Court Hill"? From Last Name Meanings site re "Coote": (origin: Local) Welsh Coed, a wood; Cor. Br., Coit and Cut. Coot-hill or Coit-hayle, the wood on the river." OLochlainn 67 and some -- but not all -- broadsides for "Nell Flaherty's Drake"/"Nell Flagherty's Drake" begin "My name it is Nell, quite candid I tell, I live near Cootehill I'll never deny..." (source: Bodleian Catalog; for example, see shelfmarks Firth b.27(148), Harding B 26(461), Harding B 15(216b); a Clonmell counter-example is Bodleian shelfmark 2806 b.11(218), and O'Conor p. 14 makes it "a cool hill"). - BS
Of course, there is always the possibility that someone just made a typographical error on a survey map somewhere.... - RVW
File: LeBe018
===
NAME: Chance McGear
DESCRIPTION: Young Chance McGear, against his parents' advice, becomes a logger. While he and his partner are loading logs, one swings around and strikes him in the head, killing him. The logging company sends his body back to his parents.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1941 (Beck)
KEYWORDS: lumbering logger work death family
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Beck 60, "Chance McGear" (1 text)
Roud #4054
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Harry Dunn (The Hanging Limb)" [Laws C14]
cf. "Boy Killed by a Falling Tree in Hartford" (plot)
cf. "The Substitute (plot)
NOTES: This song is item dC32 in Laws's Appendix II. - RBW
File: Be060
===
NAME: Chandler's Wife, The
DESCRIPTION: (The tailor's boy) goes to the chandler's shop; he hears a "knock, knock, knock" overhead. He surprises the chandler's wife with the apprentice boy. Men should either watch their wives or give them so much (knock, knock, knock) that they want no more
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939 (recording, Warde Ford)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: (The tailor's boy) goes to the chandler's shop; finding no one there, he hears the sounds of sex (a "knock, knock, knock") overhead. Running upstairs, he surprises the chandler's wife with the apprentice boy. She offers the interloper sex whenever he's so inclined. The moral is drawn that men should either lock their wives up, tie them down, or give them so much (knock, knock, knock) that they want no more
KEYWORDS: sex adultery infidelity promise bawdy humorous apprentice
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Silber-FSWB, p. 157, "The Chandler's Wife" (1 text)
DT, CHNDWIFE* CHNDWIF2
RECORDINGS:
Warde Ford, "The Tailor Boy" (AFS 4204 A1, 1939; in AMMEM/Cowell)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Farm Servant (Rap-Tap-Tap)" (plot)
cf. "The Jolly Barber Lad" (theme)
cf. "The Coachman's Whip" (theme)
cf. "The Lincolnshire Poacher" (tune)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Tailor's Boy
NOTES: I'm astonished to not find this in the Index -- I could have sworn it was there. - PJS
Yes, but aren't you glad that *you* got to write the description? :-)
I am surprised that it's not in Cray. There are similar plots, of course, but nothing I recognize as the same song. - RBW
File: FSWB1567A
===
NAME: Change Islands Song
DESCRIPTION: Describes the work of the men from Change Islands as they move up north along the coast. Activities include fishing, hunting seals, and canning berries -- but there is a scarcity of everything this time. Only the fishing improves a little later. 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1929 (Greenleaf/Mansfield)
KEYWORDS: work hunting fishing hardtimes
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Greenleaf/Mansfield 124, "Change Islands Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
Doyle2, p. 61, "Change Islands Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
Blondahl, pp. 93-95, "The Change Islands Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #6343
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Merman (Pretty Fair Maid with a Tail)" [Laws K24] (tune)
NOTES: Change Islands is near Fogo Island on the east coast in Hamilton Sound. Most of their excursions seem to be to the very northern tip of the island and "across the Strait" which would be Labrador. Many personal names are mentioned in the song to make it more authentic. - SH
File: Doy61
===
NAME: Changing Berth
DESCRIPTION: Fury sails for the Brewery at one o'clock. The mate is drunk so the frightened nipper has to steer. After nine hours they land, thankful to have avoided "the cowld Torrid Zone Or the deserts of Nova Zimbley." They jump to the bank and walk home
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1965 (OLochlainn-More)
KEYWORDS: river commerce ordeal humorous sailor
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
OLochlainn-More 51A, "Changing Berth" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9779
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The E-ri-e" (theme) and references there
File: OlcM051A
===
NAME: Chanson d'un Soldat (Song of a Soldier)
DESCRIPTION:  French. The singer, a soldier, deserts for love of a brunette; in the process of deserting, he kills his captain. He is captured by his comrades; before they shoot him, he confesses his love for the brunette, and asks them not to tell his mother
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1956 (recording, Mrs. Louis Amirault, on NovaScotia1)
KEYWORDS: love army desertion crime execution murder punishment death foreignlanguage lover mother soldier rejection
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Mrs. Louis Amirault, "Chanson d'un Soldat" (on NovaScotia1)
File: RcChduSo
===
NAME: Chanson de L'Annee du Coup
DESCRIPTION: French. The governor asks the messenger what is the news. He reports a disaster, territory taken and people slain. The governor warns the people to prepare to flee
AUTHOR: J. B Trudeau
EARLIEST_DATE: 1845 (St. Louis Weekly Reveille)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage battle death warning Indians(Am.)
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: May 1780 - Indians attack the trading post at St. Louis (founded 1764 and occupied by the Spanish 1771). Thirty inhabitants are killed. 
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Belden, pp. 519-520, "Chanson de L'Annee du Coup" (1 text)
NOTES: Acording to Belden's notes, the Indians who attacked St. Louis did so at the instigation of the British -- but with French Canadian support. The people blamed the Spanish commander. This seems awfully complicated for an event of 1780, and such hints as I can find in the histories don't mention the fact -- but that's not proof. - RBW
File: Beld519
===
NAME: Chanson de la Grenouillere ("Song of Frog Plain," Falcon's Song)
DESCRIPTION: French: "Voulez-vous ecouter chanter Une chanson de verite?" Describes the Metis defense of their land against the English. Singer Pierre Falcon tells how the Metis defeated and pursued the English invaders
AUTHOR: Pierre Falcon
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939
KEYWORDS: Canada battle foreignlanguage
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: June 19, 1816 - Battle of Seven Oaks. Some 70 Metis horsemen under Cuthbert Grant encounter 28 Hudson's Bay Company men under Governor Semple on Frog Plain. Only six of Semple's men survive
FOUND_IN: Canada
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fowke/Mills/Blume, pp. 121-123, "Falcon's Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Riel's Song" and references there (subject)
NOTES: The Metis (French-Indian half-breeds; they called themselves Bois-Brules) had a difficult time in Canada, as neither English nor Indians, nor even the Voyageurs, had much use for them.
The Metis for a time gave as good as they got. When, in 1811, Lord Selkirk tried to establish a colony (mostly Scots who had lost their homes to sheep farms) on the Red River, the Metis constantly harassed the colony, and burned it more than once.
The Battle of Seven Oaks marked the climax of their efforts. Pierre Falcon (born 1793) was reported to be one of the Metis involved in the attack, and to have composed the song that very night. Whatever its origins, it became a Metis anthem, and was sung during Louis Riel's 1870 uprising (for which cf. "Riel's Song"). - RBW
File: FMB121
===
NAME: Chanson de Louis Riel (Riel's Song II)
DESCRIPTION: "C'est au champ de bataille, j'ai fait ecrir' douleurs. On couche sur la paille, ca fait fremir les coeurs."  Riel's letter from prison describes his grief and pain and asks friends and family pray for him and the country he fought for
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1963 (recording, Joseph Gaspard Jeannotte)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: The singer, on the battlefield, cries in pain; he gets a letter from his mother but has no pen or ink to reply. He dips his penknife into his own blood and writes to her; she falls on her knees weeping. He tells her that since everyone has to die someday, he prefers to die as a brave
KEYWORDS: Canada war prison execution foreignlanguage grief army battle fight rebellion violence separation death family mother Indians(Am.)
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1870 - Louis Riel's first uprising
1884 - Riel's second uprising/Northwest Rebellion
1885 - Riel hanged
FOUND_IN: Canada(West)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fowke/MacMillan 8, "Chanson de Louis Riel" (1 French and 1 English text, 1 tune)
RECORDINGS:
Joseph Gaspard Jeannotte, "Chanson de Riel" (on Saskatch01)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Riel's Song" and references there (subject)
NOTES: From Fowke/MacMillan - "Louis Riel, the leader of the Metis in both the Red River Rebellion in 1870 and the Northwest Rebellion in 1885, was taken prisoner when his followers were defeated at Batoche on 12 May 1885. He was tried, sentenced to death, and hanged in Regina jail on 16 November 1885. Since then his career has inspired books, plays, and an opera and the Saskatchewan Metis still talk and sing of him.
Mrs. Cass-Beggs got this song from Joseph Gaspard Jeannotte, an old Metis living at Lebret, Saskatchewan. He said that Riel had composed it while in jail, which may well be true for he is known to have written other poems and songs. It appeared first in Mrs. Cass-Beggs' _Eight Songs of Saskatchewan_ (Toronto, 1963). English words by Barbara Cass-Beggs."
Though attributed to Riel, the song has no reference to him, the Metis, or to the rebellion. It is written in the form of a letter from a prisoner to his mother as he is facing execution. - SL
Although the subject is similar, and both songs are attributed to Riel himself, the plot of this one is utterly different from that of "Riel's Song." You should look at that one too, though -- and see RBW's extensive notes there. - PJS
File: FowM008
===
NAME: Chanson sur le Desastre de Baie Ste-Anne (Song on the Baie Ste-Anne Disaster)
DESCRIPTION: French. The fishermen of Baie Ste-Anne and Escuminac go out expecting to return but the sudden storm takes 35 lives. Hearers are told to be prepared to meet God suddenly. Life is like a large ocean and each day we go toward eternity as in a light boat.
AUTHOR: Jerry Hebert of Lagaceville (Manny/Wilson)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1959 (Manny/Wilson)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage fishing sea ship storm wreck death religious warning
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: June 19, 1959 - 22 salmon boats and 35 crewmen from Escuminac lost in a storm (Manny/Wilson)
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Manny/Wilson 17b, "Chanson sur le Desastre de Baie Ste-Anne" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: Manny/Wilson: "Baie Ste-Anne is the French-speaking settlement south of Escuminac." A source for information about the disaster is _The Ecuminac Disaster_ by Roy Saunders. - BS
The Escuminac tragedy was one of those defining moments for its community. Manny/Wilson report that performers sang no fewer than five songs about it at the 1959 Miramichi Folk Festival, and another in 1960 -- one, in fact, a tribute to the area by one of the drowned men. Of these six, they reported three, including this one. - RBW
File: MaWi017b
===
NAME: Chant of the Coal Quay, The
DESCRIPTION: "The Coal Quay market in my native town O! that's the dwelling where 'tis easy telling If your sense of smelling is not up to snuff." There are second-hand bookstands, organ monkeys, "animals in congregation," and other assorted riff-raff
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1965 (OLochlainn-More)
KEYWORDS: humorous nonballad animal
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
OLochlainn-More 84B, "The Chant of the Coal Quay" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: OLcM084B
===
NAME: Chanty Song (I): see So It's Pass (File: CrNS056)
===
NAME: Chanty Song (II): see The Powder Monkey (Soon We'll Be in England Town) (File: CrNS057)
===
NAME: Chapeau Boys
DESCRIPTION: "I'm a jolly good fellow, Pat Gregg is my name. I come from Chapeau, that village of fame." The singer and others hire out "to go up the Black River... for to cut the hay." Most of the song describes the trip to and from the farm
AUTHOR: Patrick Gregg
EARLIEST_DATE: 1957 (Fowke); probably composed c. 1875
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Men from Chapeau hire out to Caldwell Farm for haying; they travel by boat, then on foot, stopping to play fiddle on the way. They walk 16 miles to Reddy's, 46 to the Caldwell; they arrive exhausted. Singer praises the food at the Caldwell; after haying, they pack up and head for the woods to fell the pine. The singer hopes for a good drive and arrival home, but ends the song and prepares to roll into bed
KEYWORDS: travel work food farming lumbering dancing fiddle logger worker
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar,Ont,Que)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Fowke-Lumbering #14, "The Chapeau Boys" (1 text plus some excerpts, 1 tune)
Ives-NewBrunswick, pp. 80-82, "The Chapeau Boys" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST FowL14 (Partial)
Roud #1885
RECORDINGS:
O. J. Abbott, "The Chapeau Boys" (on Lumber01)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Building a Slide" (lyrics)
NOTES: Chapeau is located on Allumette Island in the Ottawa River just north of Pembroke. Fowke estimates the song comes from the 1890s, but without documentation I won't make that the official earliest date. - PJS
Particularly since Fowke elswehere estimates the date as c. 1869! - RBW
Ives-NewBrunswick: "Chapeau ... is about a hundred miles up the Ottawa River valley, and, according to the best information available, one Pat Gregg made the song up early in the 1880s." - BS
File: FowL14
===
NAME: Charge at Fredricksburg, The: see The Last Fierce Charge [Laws A17] (File: LA17)
===
NAME: Charge the Can Cheerily
DESCRIPTION: "Now coil up your nonsense 'bout England's great Navy, And take in your slack about oak-hearted Tars, For frigates as stout, and as gallant crews have we." The singer boasts of the successes of the War of 1812
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1948 (Shay), apparently from a broadside
KEYWORDS: navy bragging ship battle
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Aug 19, 1812 - the 44-gun U.S.S. Constitution defeats and captures the 38-gun H.M.S. Guerriere in the north Atlantic
Oct 25, 1812 - the 44-gun U. S. S. United States, commanded by Stephen Decatur, defeats the 38-gun H. M. S. Macedonian in the mid-Atlantic
Dec 29, 1812 - U. S. S. Constitution defeats the 38-gun H. M. S. Java off Bahia, Brazil
Feb 24, 1813 - U. S. S. Hornet defeats H. M. S. Peacock
FOUND_IN: US(NE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Shay-SeaSongs, pp. 167-169, "Charge the Can Cheerily" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Ye Parliament of England (I)" (theme, ships)
NOTES: This is about as accurate as the German claim to have won the Battle of Jutland based on tonnage sunk: It's true -- and completely ignores the broader facts. The American frigates of the _United States_ class (which included among others the _Constitution)_ were much stronger and heavier (and more expensive) than the standard British 38-gun frigate. Thus they won most of the ship-to-ship battles they fought. (Most, but not all; Donald R. Hickey, _The War of 1812_, p. 216, notes how the _President_ ran aground and lost her speed, and not even Spephen Decatur could save her from the _Endymion_, the _Pomone_, and the _Tenedos_, which captured her on January 15, 1815. Hickey, p. 217, also notes the defeat of three smaller American ships -- _Frolic_, _Syren_, and _Rattlesnake_ -- and the disappearance, for unknown reasons, of the _Wasp_).
Good as the American frigates were, they were not ships of the line, and survived the war only by fleeing when a major British battleship came in sight (or failed to flee and were defeated, as in the case of the _Wasp_ in another context). By the end of the War of 1812, nearly every American ship was blockaded in port (John K. Mahon, _The War of 1812_, Da Capo, 1972, p. 122, gives a catalog). They had hurt the British about as much as a stinging fly -- and, if the war had kept on, the British (with Napoleon safely on Saint Helena) would doubtless have turned and swatted them.
The Americans could perhaps console themselves with the fact that they made the British merchant fleet miserable; Hickey, p. 218, notes that their privateers caused a spike in insurance rates for ships sailing between Britain and Ireland; according to one paper at the time, the rates were three times higher than during the Napoleonic Wars!
The song itself quotes "of Lawrence the spirit, 'Disdaining to strike while a stick is left standing.'" The dying captain James Lawrence said, "Don't give up the ship!" Why did he say it? Because H. M. S. _Shannon_ was blowing Lawrence's _Chesapeake_ to fragments -- something the poet fails to note. (For details, see the various "Chesapeake and Shannon" songs, especially "The Chesapeake and the Shannon (I)"  [Laws J20]. For additional background on the naval aspects of the War of 1812, see also "The Constitution and the Guerriere" [Laws A6].)
Among the people mentioned in the song:
Dacres - James R. Dacres (1788-1853), commander of the _Guerriere_.
Carden - John Surman Carden, commander of the _Macedonian_.
Hull - Isaac Hull, commander of the _Constitution_ in the fight against the _Guerriere_
Decatur - Perhaps the greatest American naval hero of the early part of the century; he commanded the  _United States_ against the _Macedonian._ 
Jones - John Paul Jones, America's first significant naval captain, dead 20 years by the time of the War of 1812.
Lawrence - James Lawrence, who commanded the _Hornet_ when she beat the _Peacock_, but then led the _Chesapeake_ to destruction against the _Shannon_.
Bainbridge: Evidently the poet couldn't think of any other naval heroes, so he stuck in a disaster. William Bainbridge (1774-1833) had his ship _Resolution_ captured during the Quasi-war with France. He also commanded the _Philadelphia_ when she was captured by the Barbary Pirates. He at least proved his courage in the War of 1812, being commander of the _Constitution_ when she beat the _Java_; he was twice wounded in that action -- but the ship had been badly handled and suffered far more damage than in its other battles and had to return to port for repairs. Even that was sort of an accident, though; according to Hickey, p. 216, he had tried to trade the _Constitution_ for the _President_ in 1814, even offering $5000 for the right to command the latter ship. Lucky for him Captain John Rogers turned him down. - RBW
File: ShaSS167
===
NAME: Charge to Keep, A
DESCRIPTION: "A charge to keep I have, a God to glorify, A never-dying soul to save, And fit it for the sky. Arm me with jealous care, As in thy sight to live, Thy servant, Lord, prepare, A strict account to give. To serve the present age, My calling to fulfill...."
AUTHOR: Words: Charles Wesley
EARLIEST_DATE: 1851 (Songs of Zion)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 522, "A Charge to Keep" (1 fragment)
Roud #11817
NOTES: This, like many shape note hymns, appears with a bewildering variety of tunes. William Walker apparently printed it to "Carolina." "Songs of Zion" put it to "Kentucky." And in the Sacred Harp, it is called by the text-title "A Charge to Keep"; it's said to have a tune by Paine Denson. - RBW
File: Br3522
===
NAME: Charity Seed, The/We Never Died in the Winter Yet
DESCRIPTION: The singer hears two people discussing "Wealthy people and their greed" and farmers with good crops "all applying for the charity seed." In good times, food is plentiful, but the bad brought "great distress"; now Gladstone will repair the matter
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1938 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: food poverty hardtimes money farming
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H766, p. 43, "The Charity Seed/We Never Died in the Winter Yet" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #13357
NOTES: This is a curious song, seeming to refer to the potato famines-- but with other references arguing for a later date (perhaps 1869). The famines of 1845-1851 saw the British government try, ineptly and with insufficient commitment, to supply relief -- but the results were not sufficient to the problem. (For details, see the notes to "Over There (I - The Praties They Grow Small)".)
Frankly, given the technology of the time, the British probably could not have saved all the people who starved -- but they certainly could have done more, and done it more efficiently. The blame for this, however, did not fall on Disraeli, but on Sir Robert Peel (Disraeli opposed Peel's measures, but did not become Prime Minister until 1868).
Disraeli served as Prime Minister twice: 1868 and 1874-1880, and was twice replaced by Gladstone, who served 1868-1874, 1880-1885 (plus 1886 and 1892-1894).
The best date for this song in its current form is thus 1869, when the newly-elected Gladstone put a final end to the corn laws (the original law, passed 1815, had forbid imports of grain except in conditions of extreme famine; modified slightly in 1828, Peel had managed to get the rates reduced in 1846, in response to the famine, but a slight duty remained until Gladstone ended it).
Incidentally, dying in winter (or spring) was a genuine problem for those dependent on the potato, since they had effectively no other food. Although most peasants had enough land to grow a year's worth of food, the potatoes would often rot by the end of that time. - RBW
File: HHH766
===
NAME: Charles Augustus (or Gustavus) Anderson [Laws D19]
DESCRIPTION: Anderson, the singer, is about to be hanged. He had had a good childhood, but went away to sea on the "Saladin." There he joined in a conspiracy with one Fielding; they murdered the ship's captain and others. Now he must pay the price
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Mackenzie)
KEYWORDS: sea execution mutiny
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1844 - The Saladin mutiny
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar,Newf) US(NE)
REFERENCES: (9 citations)
Laws D19, "Charles Augustus (or Gustavus) Anderson"
Doerflinger, pp. 290-293, "Charles Gustavus Anderson" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Greenleaf/Mansfield 158, "Fielding" (1 text)
Peacock, pp. 867-868, "Charles Augustus Anderson" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-NovaScotia 109, "Charles G Anderson" (1 text, 1 tune)
Creighton-Maritime, pp. 196-197, "Saladin Mutiny" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 113, "Charles Augustus Anderson" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ives-DullCare, pp. 197-198,243, "Charles Gustavus Anderson" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 352, SLDNMTY2*
Roud #646
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "George Jones" [Laws D20] (subject)
cf. "Saladin's Crew" (subject)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Charles Gustavus Anderson
NOTES: The story of the Saladin mutiny is roughly as follows: The pirate Fielding, taken aboard the _Saladin_ out of charity,  convinces part of the crew to mutiny against Captain "Sandy" Mackenzie. (Mackenzie seems to have been a harsh officer, but the Fieldings -- a father and son -- probably hoped to capture the money stored on the ship.) Mackenzie and five others are killed, and the conspirators, realizing that they might be next, turn against the Fieldings and throw them overboard. The ship, left without an experienced navigator, is wrecked off Halifax; the remaining conspirators are executed.
Most sources date the mutiny to 1844; Laws says 1843, but I'm guessing this is one of the many typos in his song list.
The four men executed were Charles Anderson, George Jones, John Hazelton, and William Trevaskiss. Three of the four  have ballads about them. This one, about Aderson, is the most popular; George Jones is also well-known; "Saladin's Crew," about Hazelton, was found only by Helen Creighton.
Creighton quotes an account from the 1924 _Acadian Recorder_ that seems to imply that all three songs were written by a "Mr. Forhan" who saw the mutineers hanged when he was six years old. - RBW
File: LD19
===
NAME: Charles G Anderson: see Charles Augustus (or Gustavus) Anderson [Laws D19] (File: LD19)
===
NAME: Charles Gibbs
DESCRIPTION: The pirate admits, "No pity have I ever shown, Lord, who would pity me, But here I lie and long to die." He tells of his adventures with his "bloody knife."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1933 (collected from Charles Tillett)
KEYWORDS: pirate prison
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1831 - Death of Charles Gibbs
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Chappell-FSRA 28, "Charles Gibbs" (1 fragment)
Roud #16892
NOTES: A native of Rhode Island, Charles Gibbs served in the War of 1812, then turned Argentine privateer and, eventually, pirate. He quickly became notorious for his brutality, and serious efforts were made to capture him. An attempt in 1821 failed, but he was taken and hanged in 1831. If the stories of his torture and rape of those he captured are true, the punishment probably was deserved. - RBW
File: CFRA028
===
NAME: Charles Giteau: see Charles Guiteau [Laws E11] (File: LE11)
===
NAME: Charles Guiteau [Laws E11]
DESCRIPTION: Charles Guiteau, having assassinated President Garfield, is unable to escape the law. His insanity defense is rejected, and he is sentenced to die.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1907 (Belden)
KEYWORDS: murder execution gallows-confession madness
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: July 2, 1881 - James A. Garfield is shot by Charles Guiteau, who thought Garfield owed him a patronage job. Garfield had been president for less than four months
Sept 19, 1881 - Death of Garfield
June 30, 1882 - Hanging of Charles Guiteau
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MW,So,SE)
REFERENCES: (18 citations)
Laws E11, "Charles Guiteau"
Belden, pp. 412-413, "Charles Guiteau" (1 text)
Randolph 134, "Charles Guiteau" (2 texts plus 3 excerpts or fragments, 3 tunes)
Eddy 128, "Charles Guiteau, or, The Murder of James A. Garfield" (1 text)
BrownII 249, "Charles Guiteau" (4 texts, 3 fragments, plus 1 excerpt and mention of 3 more)
Chappell-FSRA 111, "Charles Guiteau" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
Hudson 101, pp. 238-239, "Charles Guiteau" (1 text plus mention of 3 more)
Friedman, p. 230, "Charles Guiteau" (1 text)
McNeil-SFB1, pp. 56-59, "Charles Guiteau" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Combs/Wilgus 58, pp. 186-187, "Charles J. Guiteau" (1 text)
Lomax-FSNA 142, "Charles Guiteau" (1 text, 1 tune, claiming to be a transcription of the earliest recorded version by Kelley Harrell -- but in fact the text has been slightly modified)
LPound-ABS, 65, pp. 146-148, "Charles Guiteau or James A. Garfield" (1 text, joined with "The Murder of F. C. Benwell")
Burt, pp. 226-227, "(Charles Guiteau)" (1 text plus a fragment, 1 tune)
Darling-NAS, pp. 192-193, "Charles Guiteau" (1 text plus a fragment of "James Rodgers")
Asch/Dunson/Raim, p. 48 "Charles Giteau" (sic) (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 290, "Charles Guiteau" (1 text)
cf. Gardner/Chickering, p. 478, "Charles Guitea" (source notes only)
DT 623, CGUITEAU*
ST LE11 (Full)
Roud #444
RECORDINGS:
Loman D. Cansler, "Charles Guiteau" (on Cansler1)
Kelly Harrell, "Charles Giteau" (Victor 20797B, 1927; on KHarrell02, AAFM1)
Roscoe Holcomb, "Charles Guitau" [instrumental version] (on Holcomb1)
Wilmer Watts, "Charles Guiteaw" (Paramount 3232)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Murder of F. C. Benwell" [Laws E26] (tune & meter)
cf. "Jack Rogers" (form and meter)
cf. "Gustave Ohr" (meter)
cf. "George Mann" (meter)
cf. "Ewing Brooks" [Laws E12] (tune & meter)
cf. "The Fair at Turloughmore" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Big Jimmie Drummond" (lyrics)
cf. "Mister Garfield" (subject)
NOTES: The song probably derives from "The Lamentation of James Rodgers" (executed Nov. 12, 1858) or one of its kin (e.g. "My Name it is John T. Williams") - PJS, RBW
File: LE11
===
NAME: Charles Gustavus Anderson: see Charles Augustus (or Gustavus) Anderson [Laws D19] (File: LD19)
===
NAME: Charles J. Guiteau: see Charles Guiteau [Laws E11] (File: LE11)
===
NAME: Charleston Gals
DESCRIPTION: Floating verses: The terrapin and the toad, the overworked old horse whose owner will tan its hide if it dies, dancing with the girl with the hole in her stocking. Chorus: "Hibo, for Charleston gals, Charleston gals are the gals for me."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1867 (Allen/Ware/Garrison)
KEYWORDS: animal death dancing floatingverses
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Allen/Ware/Garrison, p. 88, "Charleston Gals" (1 text, 1 tune)
Scarborough-NegroFS, pp. 162-163, "" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-AmFolklr, pp. 905-906, "Charleston Gals" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST ScaNF162 (Full)
Roud #12046
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Old Virginny Never Tire" (style)
NOTES: This, like "Old Virginny Never Tire" and similar songs, is a pure collection of floating verses with its own chorus. It's hard to know what to do with such things; for the moment, we're splitting them on the basis of the chorus. - RBW
File: ScaNF162
===
NAME: Charley Bell
DESCRIPTION: "If you ever go to lumbering woods, Please take my advice": don't work for Charley Bell. His spruce is rotten, his road is too crooked to be steered, his food squeals when bitten, and you get eaten alive by lice from Charley.
AUTHOR: Patrick Murphy
EARLIEST_DATE: 1950 (Manny/Wilson)
KEYWORDS: warning lumbering ordeal humorous nonballad
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Manny/Wilson 10, "Charley Bell" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST MaWi010 (Partial)
Roud #9201
NOTES: And he's ugly, too.
(No, amazingly enough, the song doesn't say that. Author Patrick Murphy is said to have been a circus performer. His act must have been interesting, to say the least.) - RBW
File: MaWi010
===
NAME: Charley Brooks: see The Two Letters (Charlie Brooks; Nellie Dare) (File: R735)
===
NAME: Charley Hill's Old Slope [Laws G8]
DESCRIPTION: Nine miners are riding a car out of the mine when the chain breaks. The car falls back into the mine, and all nine are killed
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: mining disaster death
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1865 - The mine car accident
FOUND_IN: US(MA)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Laws G8, "Charley Hill's Old Slope"
DT 785, OLDSLOPE
Roud #3251
File: LG08
===
NAME: Charley Snyder: see Joseph Mica (Mikel) (The Wreck of the Six-Wheel Driver) (Been on the Choly So Long) [Laws I16] (File: LI16)
===
NAME: Charley, He's a Good Old Man: see Weevily Wheat (File: R520)
===
NAME: Charley's Escape: see Geordie [Child 209] (File: C209)
===
NAME: Charlie: see Weevily Wheat (File: R520)
===
NAME: Charlie and Mary: see The Sailor and His Bride [Laws K10] (File: LK10)
===
NAME: Charlie Hurley
DESCRIPTION: "Foremost of all in the battle's red lightning with the boys from West Cork was this man from Barr Lia." While wounded and surrounded Hurley continued to fight. "Soon his cruel rivals were lying at his feet." He died the same day as the Crossbarry ambush.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1978 (OCanainn)
KEYWORDS: rebellion battle death Ireland patriotic IRA
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: March 19, 1921 - Nationalist victory at Crossbarry
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
OCanainn, pp. 32-33, "The Ballad of Charlie Hurley" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Piper of Crossbarry" (subject: Irish Civil War) and references there
cf. "The Bold Black and Tan" (subject: Irish Civil War) and references there

NOTES: OCanainn: "Charlie Hurley is one of the great heroes of West Cork. He was a Commandant in Tom Barry's famous Flying Column (1919-1921) and noted for his bravery." - BS
For Crossbarry, and for the beloved terrorist Tom Barry, see the notes to "The Piper of Crossbarry." - RBW
File: OCan032
===
NAME: Charlie Is My Darling
DESCRIPTION: Charlie comes to town; he spies a lass. He runs up the stairs; she opens the door, and he sets her on his knee. The rest is left to imagination. Chorus: "Charlie he's my darling, my darling, my darling/Charlie he's my darling, the young Chevalier"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1821 (Hogg2)
KEYWORDS: courting army soldier Jacobites seduction
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1745-1746 - The '45 Rebellion, led by Bonnie Prince Charlie
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Hogg2 49, Hogg2 50, "Charlie Is My Darling" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 140, "Charlie Is My Darling" (1 text)
DT, CHARDARL*
ADDITIONAL: James Kinsley, editor, Burns: Complete Poems and Songs (shorter edition, Oxford, 1969) #562,, pp. 666-667, "Charlie he's my darling" (1 text, 1 tune, from the Scots Musical Museum)
Walter de la Mare, _Come Hither_, revised edition, 1928; #195, "Charlie He's My Darling" (1 text)
Charles W. Eliot, editor, English Poetry Vol II From Collins to Fitzgerald (New York, 1910), #336, p. 566, "Charlie Is My Darling" (by Carolina Oliphant, Lady Nairne)
Roud #5510
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Shane Crossagh" (floating lyrics)
NOTES: This is a mess; the song sounds like a fragmentary remnant of a Jacobite song (there is a final verse, "We daurna gang a-milking/For Charlie and his men") but the political content is virtually gone, and we're left with a song of seduction, and a bowdlerized one at that. - PJS
The Hogg2 50 and Burns texts are virtually the same. The Nairne and Digital Tradition texts are virtually the same. The two sets of texts share their first two verses. - BS
Hogg2 49 is a more political version, though it shares only the first verse with the Digital Tradition version. Hogg2: "I wrote [Hogg2 49] some years ago, at the request of a friend, who complained that he did not like the old verses. I have, however, added [Hogg2 50, which is the same as the Burns text] that those who delight in the fine original air may take which they choose." In Hogg2 49, The lasses sing at the king's return for Charlie and his men being "Out-owre yon moory mountain, And down yon craigy glen." - BS
The common version of this, which Paul describes (probably correctly) as bowdlerized, is also rather slanderous; although most of the single women of Scotland (and more than a few of the married ones) swooned after Bonnie Prince Charlie (1720-1788), his behavior was generally above reproach.
It is reliably reported that Charlie left only one illegitimate child -- Charlotte (1753-1789), by Clementina Walkinshaw, with whom he lived for several years. Walkinshaw seems to have been the great love of his life; he did not marry until 1772, and this marriage was dissolved. It is possible that Charlie was nearly sterile, as his marriage produced no children, but it seems more likely that his wife Louisa was infertile, as she had no children despite repeated proofs of adultery.
The Digital Tradition version of this song is much more political than the common text, and lacks the sexual element; I wish I knew more about its origin.
Long after this song was collected, William Allingham (1824-1889; for his history, see the notes to "Lovely Mary Donnelly") wrote his poem "The Fairies" ("Up the airy mountain, Down the rushy glen, We daren't go a-hunting For fear of little men..."). That that verse and this song are related seems undeniable -- though the nature of the link is unclear. For Allingham's complete poem, see Kathleen Hoagland, editor, _One Thousand Years of Irish Poetry_ (New York, 1947), pp. 509-510, "The Fairies"; Walter de la Mare, _Come Hither_, revised edition, 1928; #133, "The Fairies"; or Donagh MacDonagh and Lennox Robinson, _The Oxford Book of Irish Verse_ (Oxford, 1958, 1979), pp. 82-84, "The Fairies (A Child's Song)."
Incidentally, the reference to Charles as the "Young Chevalier" is quite proper; one of the titles of James III was the Chevalier de Saint George, which would eventually pass to Charles. - RBW
File: FSWB140A
===
NAME: Charlie Jack's Dream
DESCRIPTION: The singer, asleep in Philadelphia, dreams of Glen Ullin church. The McLaughlins are preaching, and Irish heroes such as the Parnells and Dan O'Connell are present. His wife shakes him awake, and he realizes he is far from the old home
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: homesickness patriotic dream
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H799, p. 221, "Charlie Jack's Dream" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Daniel O'Connell (I)"  (subject: Daniel O'Connell) and references there
cf. "The Bold Tenant Farmer" (subject of Charles Stewart Parnell) and references there
NOTES: I must assume that the several clergymen mentioned here are local figures; I cannot find any clear historical references to any of them. The political figures are another matter. They include:
The Parnell Family - Charles Stewart Parnell (1845-1891) was leader of the Land League from 1879, and supported Home Rule for Ireland for the rest of his life. Imprisoned in 1881, he became an Irish hero, and from 1885-1890 he held the balance of power in the English parliament, but found himself distrusted by both sides and, eventually, discredited by a personal indiscretion (see "We Won't Let Our Leader Run Down").
Dan O'Connell - Daniel O'Connell (1775-1847), a crusader for tenant freedom, for whom see Erin's Green Shore [Laws Q27]
Brian Boru - an odd name in the list; Brian Boru was King of Clare from 976, and died in battle against the Vikings at Clontarf in 1014. Held up as an Irish hero, he was never actually King of Ireland, and did not fight against the Anglo-Normans, who invaded centuries after his death.
The Redmonds -- The date of the song here becomes important. I am guessing that it is a reference to John Redmond (1856-1918), who managed in 1900 to recreate Parnell's Irish coalition and restore the Home Rule campaign in the British parliament.
The O'Sullivans -- perhaps Sheamus O'Sullivan, a minor poet who wrote in support of Parnell, and/or Sean O'Sullivan, a minor leader in the 1916 Rising. - RBW
File: HHH799
===
NAME: Charlie Mackie
DESCRIPTION: "There was a farmer on Isladale, Possessions he had mony. He had an only daughter fair...." The girl Annie falls in love with her father's servant Charlie Mackie. The father dismisses Charlie. She grows sick, is sent to the sea, and finds Charlie
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1908 (Ord)
KEYWORDS: love courting servant separation reunion disease
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ord, pp. 452-454, "Charlie Mackie" (1 text)
Roud #5621
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Andrew Lammie" [Child 233] (lyrics, form, themes)
NOTES: This shares not only a general theme but a metrical form and even quite a few words with "Andrew Lammie," though this is a much feebler thing. There can be no question that the two songs are related. All evidence points to "Andrew Lammie" as the elder song; it is stronger, it employs fewer cliches; it omits the sea cure. Nonetheless the references in Ord and Grieg make it clear that "Charlie Mackie" is traditional in its own right. - RBW
File: Ord452
===
NAME: Charlie MacPherson [Child 234]
DESCRIPTION: MacPherson comes to (Kinaldie) to wed Helen. Arriving, he is told that she has gone to wed at Whitehouse. MacPherson sets out for Whitehouse, but finding her apparently truly married, he wishes her well.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1800
KEYWORDS: courting marriage separation
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Child 234, "Charlie MacPherson" (2 texts)
Roud #3881
NOTES: This ballad is lost except for the two fragments in Child, and leaves many questions. Throughout the ballad, one expects MacPherson to abduct the girl (as in "Katherine Jaffray"); why else go to all that effort? Yet there is no indication of this happening; all ends quietly. If we had a truly complete text, it might be much more interesting. - RBW
File: C234
===
NAME: Charlie Mopps
DESCRIPTION: "A long time ago... all they had to drink was nothing but cups of tea." Then came Charlie Mopps, who invented beer. This brought him great praise and even a ticket into heaven. "Lord bless Charlie Mopps, the man who invented beer!"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: drink talltale
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fahey-Eureka, pp. 150-151, "Charlie Mopps" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #10678
NOTES: The amount of truth in this song is, to put it mildly, limited. - RBW
File: FaE150
===
NAME: Charlie over the Ocean
DESCRIPTION: "Charlie over the ocean (x3), Charlie over the sea." "Charlie caught a (blackbird/blackfish)  (x2), Can't catch me."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1950 (recording, children of East York School)
KEYWORDS: playparty
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Courlander-NFM, pp. 159-160, "(Charlie Over the Ocean)" (1 text)
Roud #729
RECORDINGS:
Children of East York School, "Charlie Over the Ocean" (on NFMAla6m RingGames1)
NOTES: Both the reference to "Charlie over the ocean" and the mention of a blackbird hint at a Jacobite background -- but the keyword is "hint." This clearly has been long forgotten in the American tradition (though Roud links it to several Bonnie Prince Charlie songs). - RBW
File: CNFM159
===
NAME: Charlie Quantrell
DESCRIPTION: A story of Charlie Quantrell, the Kansas highwayman who raided Nebraska and Missouri (during the Civil War). He is held up as a noble robber who stole from the rich and gave to the poor. The plot follows "Brennan on the Moor," on which the song is based
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1938
KEYWORDS: outlaw trial punishment execution
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Aug 21, 1863 - Quantrill's Raiders destroy Lawrence, Kansas, killing about 150 men.
May 10, 1865 - Quantrill is mortally wounded on his way to Washington (where he hoped to stir up trouble by assassination). He dies 20 days later.
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Lomax-FSNA 179, "Charlie Quantrell" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ohrlin-HBT 26, "Charlie Quantrell, Oh" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #476
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Brennan on the Moor" [Laws L7] (tune & meter, theme, floating lyrics)
cf. "Quantrell" (subject)
cf. "The Call of Quantrell" (subject)
NOTES: This pretty picture of William Clarke Quantrill (1837-1865), also known as "Charlie (Hart)" or "Billy" Quantrill,  is even more deceptive than the typical outlaw ballad.
Quantrill (this is the spelling used in the official records) was born July 31, 1837, in Canal Dover, Ohio, son of Thomas Henry and Caroline Clarke Quantrill (see Paul I. Wellman, _A Dynasty of Western Outlaws_, Bonanza, 1961, p. 26). He seems to have been somewhat strange-looking but in an attractive way; Wellman, p. 22, quotes an 1872 description: "Quantrell might be likened to a blond Apollo of the prairies. His eyes were very blue, soft and winning. Looking at his face, one might say there is the face of a student."
If he was a student, his degree must have been in violence. His public career actually began life as a jayhawker in an anti-Slavery force; this was when he first used the name "Charley Hart." But Wellman tartly remarks that he was happy to liberate other property while allegedly devoting his efforts to liberating slaves. Wellman, p. 27, observes, "By 1860 Quantrill had become a confirmed bandit, thief, and murderer, yet as a criminal he might have remained relatively obscure... had not the dislocations of the Civil War enabled him to capitalize on the inflamed emotions of the period and win his page in history -- deserved or not -- as the arch-ogre of the border."
Wellman, pp. 28-29, tells a legend about how Quantrill during one of these raids was called upon to attack the family of a girl he was involved with, and betrayed the raiders. Whether true or not, he clearly saw more opportunity on the Confederate side of the Civil War -- and came up with a tall tale about being from Maryland and having headed west where he survived some sort of massacre (see William A. Settle, Jr., _Jesse James Was His Name_, p. 19; Wellman, pp. 29-30).
Perhaps one can best measure the amount of legend in all this by noting that Quantrill's horse at this time was allegedly named "Black Bess" (Wellman, p. 29). And, yes, Black Bess was exceptionally fast (Wellman, p. 31)
Having officially changed positions, he became a pro-Confederate terrorist (having fought at Wilson's Creek -- Wellman,p. 31 -- he was commissioned Captain C.S.A. in August 1862) whose raiders brought fear and pillage to Nebraska and any other Union area that looked vulnerable.
Although there were many other guerrilla bands in Missouri and Kansas at this time, and Bloody Bill Anderson in fact commanded what we might call Quantrill's Raiders for much of the war, it was Quantrill who developed their terrorist tactics. As a result, an order was issued that they were to be killed without trial if caught in an act of terrorism (Wellman, p. 35).
Murder without trial is probably never justified, but it must be admitted that that was just what Quantrill's raiders did to Lawrence, Kansas -- admittedly a Unionist stronghold, but still, they were civilians. And Quantrill shot them down without checking their characters (Wellman, p. 39ffff.)
Different sources cite different casualty totals, usually between 150 and 200. James M. McPherson, in _Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era_ (part of the _Oxford History of the United States_), Oxford, 1988, p. 786, credits them with killing 182 men and burning 185 buildings. McPherson reports that Quantrill told his men to "Kill every male and burn every house."
Ironically, Quantrill's men missed the pro-Union extremist and sometimes Senator James Lane, the #1 target. (Wellman, p. 46, notes that Lane would respond by inducing the authorities to issue General Order #11, which caused the forced evacuation of four counties of Missouri -- the worst official act of the war in its effect on the civilian population.) This order much inflamed anti-Union sentiment, causing the locals to support Quantrill's men, such as the James Brothers, after the war (Wellman, p. 48) -- even though, as McPherson notes (p. 785), Quantill "attracted to his gang some of the most psychopathic killers in American history."
To give the Confederacy credit, Quantrill apparently travelled to Richmond at one point to seek a colonel's commission, and was turned down cold (Wellman, p. 38). McPherson, p. 785, states that he was given a captain's commission "and thereafter claimed to be a colonel."
Massacre though it was, the attack on Lawrence apparently had some propaganda value; it came in the period after Gettysurg and Vicksburg, when the Union forces were feeling triumphant, and reminded them that there was a lot more fighting still to come (see Allan Nevins, _The War for the Union: The Organized War 1863-1864_ [volume VII of _The Ordeal of the Union_], Scribner's, 1971, p. 180).
In 1864, Quantrill and his gang headed for Texas -- where a regular officer tried to arrest Quantrill. The outlaw escaped (Wellman, p. 51), but his informal army started to break up after that (Wellman, p. 52).
Union attempts to suppress the guerillas largely failed -- but, in the end, their own side ruined them. In late 1864, the former Missouri governor Sterling Price invaded Missouri from Arkansas. He used the guerillas as scouts and raiders -- and, being forced to attack fixed positions, were defeated and their formations broken up. (Price ended up back in Arkansas, having lost half his command.) Bloody Bill Anderson was killed. Quantrill lived, but headed off east with a few followers (supposedly on a quixotic plot to kill Lincoln; McPherson, pp,  787-788). getting himself killed in the process. Wellman, p. 61, claims that the commander of the cavalry troop that killed him was himself a Confederate deserter.
Wellman, pp. 62-63, tells two stories about his legacy which may or may not be true, but which surely illustrate his legend. According to one, he left a legacy of $2000 to his old flame Kate Clarke, which she used to establish a house of prostitution. According to the other, his mother eventually found his body, had it brought home to Ohio -- and then disposed of the property on which he was buried. As Wellman puts it, she "sold her son's bones as curios." (In fairness, the mother of Jesse James did something similar -- but she merely sold stones she scattered over his grave. She kept the corpse itself safe.)
After the war was over, a number of Quantrill's followers (including the James Brothers) took off on their own -- but in fact used the techniques they learned from Quantrill. (This, in fact, is the whole theme of Wellman's book -- how there was a continuous linkage of outlaws stretching all the way from Quantrill to Pretty Boy Floyd three-quarters of a century later.)
To tell this song from other Quantrell pieces, consider this first stanza:
Young people, listen unto me, a story I will tell.
His name was Charlie Quantrell, in Kansas he did dwell.
'Twas on the Kansas plains that he made his wild career,
Then many a wealthy nobleman before him stood with fear.
This, obviously, derives from "Brennan on the Moor," and Roud lumps them (!). - RBW
File: LoF179
===
NAME: Charlie Rutledge
DESCRIPTION: "Another jolly cowboy has gone to meet his fate. We hope he'll find a resting place inside the Golden Gate." Charlie Rutledge is the third man to die on the XIT range. One of the cattle tries to escape, Charlie heads it off; in the confusion, Charlie dies
AUTHOR: Words: D. J. O'Malley
EARLIEST_DATE: 1891 (Miles City, Montana Stock Grower's Journal)
KEYWORDS: death cowboy horse
FOUND_IN: US(SW)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Logsdon 1, pp. 27-31, "Charlie Rutledge" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CHRLRTLG*
Roud #8024
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Charlie Rutlage
ACowboy's Death
NOTES: D. J. O'Malley is also credited with "The Horse Wrangler (The Tenderfoot)" [Laws B27], which also appeared in the Miles Ciry journal in the 1890s. - RBW
File: Logs001
===
NAME: Charlie You Can't Lose-A Me: see You Cain't Lose-A Me, Cholly (File: LoF264)
===
NAME: Charlie, Charlie, rise and rin: see The Fraserburgh Meal Riot (File: GrD2240)
===
NAME: Charlie, O Charlie (Pitgair)
DESCRIPTION: The farm owner prepares for a trip, instructing Charlie in how to run the farm in his absence, e.g. "To the loosin' ye'll put Shaw, Ye'll pit Sandison to ca'." He gives orders to the workers also, including Missy Pope, who will "sit in the parlor neuk."
AUTHOR: "Mr. Shaw" (source: Greig #51, p. 2 and #102, p. 3)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1906 (GreigDuncan3)
KEYWORDS: farming travel humorous
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Greig, "Folk-Song in Buchan," pp. 74-75, "Pitgair"; Greig #51, pp. 1-2, "O Charlie, O Charlie" (2 texts, 1 tune) 
GreigDuncan3 401, "Pitgair" (7 texts, 6 tunes)
Ord, p. 216-217, "Oh Charlie, O Charlie" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2584
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Binorie" (tune, per GreigDuncan3)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Come O'er frae Pitgair
NOTES: The best-known recording of this is probably Ewan MacColl's, on "Popular Scottish Songs," learned from John Mearns of Fyvie. MacColl speaks of the "thread of tender irony which runs through it," but ironically, MacColl failed completely to understand the song. It is line-by-line parallel to Ord's text, but what MacColl sings (or, at least, what is transcribed in the Folkways booklet) is frequently nonsense -- though Ord's transcription makes clear sense. - RBW
GreigDuncan3: "August 1906. Learned at Northfield of Gamrie, 1869." 
GreigDuncan3 has a map on p. xxxv, of "places mentioned in songs in volume 3" showing the song number as well as place name; Pitgair (401) is at coordinate (h6,v7-8) on that map [near Banff, roughly 35 miles NNW of Aberdeen]. - BS
File: Ord216
===
NAME: Charlie, Won't You Rock the Cradle: see What'll I Do with the Baby-O (File: R565)
===
NAME: Charlie's Neat: see Weevily Wheat (File: R520)
===
NAME: Charlie's Sweet: see Weevily Wheat (File: R520)
===
NAME: Charlotte the Harlot (I)
DESCRIPTION: When a rattlesnake slips into the vagina of Charlotte the Harlot, "the pride of the prairie," her cowboy boyfriend draws his pistol, shoots at the snake, but kills Charlotte instead.  Her funeral procession is forty miles long.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1961 (Austin E. Fife collection)
KEYWORDS: bawdy funeral humorous animal whore
FOUND_IN: Australia Britain(England) US(SW)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Cray, pp. 162-169, "Charlotte the Harlot I" (1 text, 1 tune)
Logsdon, pp. xviii-xix, "Charlotte the Harlot" (1 text)
DT, CHARLTT
Roud #4839
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Charlotte the Harlot II, III, IV"
cf. "The Sewing Machine"
NOTES: According to Walker D. Wyman, _Wisconsin Folklore_, Univeristy of Wisconsin extension (?), 1979, p. 3, a graveyard in the infamous town of Tombstone, Arizona, has a grave marker which reads
Here lies the body of good old Charlotte,
Born a virgin, died a harlot,
For 14 years she kept her virginity
Which is quite unusual in this vicinity.
Wyman suspects it's a fake to attract tourists. - RBW
File: EM162
===
NAME: Charlotte the Harlot (II)
DESCRIPTION: Not a ballad at all, this song is a paean to Charlotte's promiscuity.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: bawdy nonballad whore
FOUND_IN: US(SW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Cray, p. 169, "Charlotte the Harlot II" (1 text)
Roud #4839
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Charlotte the Harlot I, III, IV"
cf. "The Sewing Machine"
File: EM169
===
NAME: Charlotte the Harlot (III)
DESCRIPTION: Charlotte, or Lupe, is now the singer's "Mexican whore."  The song celebrates her sexual career from cradle to grave.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: bawdy humorous whore
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MW,SW)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Cray, pp. 169-171, "Charlotte the Harlot III" (1 text, 1 tune)
Randolph-Legman I, pp. 523-524, "Charlotte the Harlot" (3 texts, 1 tune)
Roud #4839
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Charlotte the Harlot I, II, IV"
cf. "The Sewing Machine"
cf. "Down in the Valley" (tune) and references there
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Lupe
File: EM169B
===
NAME: Charlotte the Harlot (IV)
DESCRIPTION: In this formula song, Charlotte wears differently colored clothing in each stanza. 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: bawdy clothes humorous whore
FOUND_IN: Australia Britain(England) US(SW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Cray, pp. 171-173, "Charlotte the Harlot IV" (1 texts, 1 tune)
Roud #4839
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Charlotte the Harlot I, II, III"
cf. "The Sewing Machine"
File: EM171
===
NAME: Charlotte, the Frozen Girl: see Young Charlotte (Fair Charlotte) [Laws G17] (File: LG17)
===
NAME: Charming Beauty Bright [Laws M3]
DESCRIPTION: The singer and a girl are in love. When her parents learn of it, they lock her away from him. At last he goes away and serves in the army for seven years, hoping to forget. When he returns home, he learns that she has died for love; he goes mad or nearly
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1915 (Brown); +1907 (JAFL20)
KEYWORDS: love separation family father mother death
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MW,NE,SE,So) Britain(England)
REFERENCES: (16 citations)
Laws M3, "Charming Beauty Bright"
Belden, pp. 164-165, "Charming Beauty Bright" (1 text)
Randolph 86, "The Beauty, Beauty Bride" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 81-83, "The Beauty, Beauty Bride" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 86A)
Eddy 36, "Charming Beauty Bright" (1 text)
BrownII 88, "Charming Beauty Bright" (3 texts plus 1 excerpt)
Chappell-FSRA 73, "The Lover's Lament" (1 text plus a fragment, 1 tune)
Scarborough-SongCatcher, pp. 311-312, "The Lover's Lament" (1 text, with local title "A Soldier's Sweetheart"; 1 tune on p. 439)
Brewster 33, "Charming Beauty Bright" (1 text)
Wyman-Brockway II, p. 76, "Charming Beauty Bright" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fuson, p. 136, "The Fair Beauty Bride" (1 text)
McNeil-SFB1, pp. 70-71, "Charming Beauty Bright" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSNA 98, "A Fair Beauty Bride" (1 text, 1 tune)
JHCox 103, "Charming Beauty Bright" (1 text, 1 tune)
Abrahams/Foss, pp. 112-113, "Charming Beauty Bright" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 575, CHRMBRT BEAUTBRT
Roud #405
RECORDINGS:
Pearl Jacobs Borusky, "Once I Courted a Charming Beauty Bright (Lover's Lament)" (AFS, 1940; on LC55)
Ollie Gilbert, "Once I Courted a Lady Beauty Bright" (on LomaxCD1707)
Lisha Shelton, "Don't You Remember" (on OldLove)
File: LM03
===
NAME: Charming Belfast Lass, The
DESCRIPTION: "Passing down by York Street mill" the singer meets Mary Brown, "charming Belfast Lass." She agrees go with him "to yon rural plain." "Our talk of love was all sincere As on the flowery banks we lay." The next day they go to church and are married.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1825 (according to Leyden)
KEYWORDS: courting marriage sex
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Leyden 24, "The Charming Belfast Lass" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: Leyd024
===
NAME: Charming Betsey: see Coming Round the Mountain (II -- Charming Betsey) (File: R436)
===
NAME: Charming Blue-eyed Mary
DESCRIPTION: Jimmy meets Mary, "got the will of" her, and gives her a diamond ring as a token. He returns from sea after eight months as a captain. He proposes. She accepts.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: marriage ring sex reunion separation lover
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf) Ireland
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Lehr/Best 19, "Charming Blue-eyed Mary" (1 text, 1 tune)
SHenry H785, p. 399, 'My Darling Blue-Eyed Mary" (1 text, 1 tune)

RECORDINGS:
Mary Delaney, "Charming Blue Eyed Mary" (on IRTravellers01)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 11(3354), "Blue Ey'd Mary" ("As I walked out one morning"), J. Pearson (Epworth), n.d.
Murray, Mu23-y1:031, "Blue Ey'd Mary," James Lindsay Jr. (Glasgow), 19C
NLScotland, L.C.Fol.178.A.2(041), "Blue Ey'd Mary," James Lindsay (Glasgow), c. 1855
NOTES: There may be one broadside for this ballad as "Charming blue-eyed Mary" at Bodleian Library site Ballads Catalogue printed at Glasgow between 1851 and 1910, shelfmark 2806 c.13(72); I could not read this copy. - BS
File: LeBe019
===
NAME: Charming Buachaill Roe: see The Buachaill Roe (File: RcTMCBR)
===
NAME: Charming Judy Callaghan: see Barney Brallaghan (File: OCon045)
===
NAME: Charming Mary O'Neill: see Mary Neal [Laws M17] (File: LM17)
===
NAME: Charming Moll Boy, The: see Pretty Polly (I) (Moll Boy's Courtship) [Laws O14] (File: LO14)
===
NAME: Charming Nancy: see Farewell, Charming Nancy [Laws K14] (File: LK14)
===
NAME: Charming Sally Ann
DESCRIPTION: The singer falls "head 'n heels in love with charming Sally Ann." He finds her "frying sausingers for Bob." When he asks her to return his jewelry she runs off with Bob. Eventually Bob and Sally Ann are taken prisoner. The singer gets his jewelry back
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1980 (Lehr/Best)
KEYWORDS: infidelity love sex crime punishment
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Lehr/Best 20, "Charming Sally Ann" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "A Week's Matrimony (A Week's Work)" (imagery)
cf. "In Duckworth Street There Lived a Dame" (imagery)
File: LeBe020
===
NAME: Charming Sally Greer: see Sally Greer (File: FMB092)
===
NAME: Charming Young Widow I Met in the Train, The: see The Charming Young Widow I Met on the Train (File: R390)
===
NAME: Charming Young Widow I Met on the Train, The
DESCRIPTION: The singer meets a young widow with a baby on a train. They talk; she claims to see her husband's partner and flees the train, leaving him the baby. As the train pulls out, he finds she has stolen his watch and purse and left him a fake child
AUTHOR: W. H Gove
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1867 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 11(4400))
KEYWORDS: trick money theft train
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (8 citations)
Randolph 390, "The Charming Young Widow I Met on the Train" (1 text, 1 tune)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 315-317, "The Charming Young Widow I Met on the Train" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 390)
Dibblee/Dibblee, pp. 95-96, "The Charming Young Widow I Met on the Train" (1 text, 1 tune)
Spaeth-WeepMore, pp. 145-147, "The Charming Young Widow" (1 text, 1 tune)
Gilbert, pp. 49-50, "The Charming Young Widow I Met in the Train" (1 text)
JHJohnson, pp. 45-47, "The Charming Young Widow" (1 text)
Cohen-LSRail, pp. 46-51, "(The Charming Young Widow I Met in the Train)" (2 excerpts plus photos of two versions of the sheet music)
DT, CHRMWIDW*
Roud #3754
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 11(4400), "The Charming Young Widow I Met in the Train," J. Harkness (Preston) , 1840-1866
NLScotland, L.C.Fol.178.A.2(071), "The Charming Young Widow I Meet in the Train" (sic.),  unknown, c. 1860
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Quare Bungo Rye" (theme: the singer is left with a baby; but not "The Basket of Eggs" where the girl gets the baby back)
cf. "The Black Velvet Band" (I) (theme: the woman pick-pocket)
NOTES: Cohen believes that there are "two closely related ballads, both dating from the 1860s" with this title. It doesn't seem worthwhile to split them, though. - RBW
I think there are three ballads here:
1) Dibblee/Dibblee has the singer going to Montreal on the train to pick up an inheritance left by an uncle. He meets the "widow" and "baby." She leaves him with the "baby" after picking his pocket, but there is no mention of the baby being dead or "fake."
Broadside Harding B 11(4400) has the singer going to London on the train to pick up an inheritance left by an uncle. He meets the "widow" and "baby." She leaves him with the "baby" after picking his pocket. The baby is a "dummy." The singer has no money to pay for his ticket and must settle the next day. This one is at least recognizable as Dibblee/Dibblee and the ballad behind the DESCRIPTION above.
Broadside NLScotland L.C.Fol.178.A.2(071)f like Bodleian Harding B 11(4400); the difference is that the singer is on the train to Glasgow. The commentary includes this statement: "There are many broadsides which warn more naive citizens against charming women pick-pockets."
2) See LOCSinging, sb10057a, "The Charming Young Widow I Met In The Train," H. De Marsan (New York), 1864-1878: the uncle is dying in Boston. The singer meets the "widow" and "baby" on the train to Boston. She leaves him with the "baby" after picking his pocket. The baby is dead and she leaves a note asking that he bury it. He does. There are no lines in common with the other two ballads; tune: "Jenny Jones." (This version is a variant of Bodleian, Harding B 11(1684), "The Charming Young Widow I Met in the Train," W.S. Fortey (London), 1858-1885 that takes place on the way to London; tune: "Jenny Jones" )
3) See LOCSinging, sb10056b, "The Charming Young Lady I Met in the Rain," H. De Marsan (New York), 1864-1878: this one takes place in London: There is no inheritance, no train, no baby; the pick-pocket trick remains. A crowd blocks his pursuit and he is charged with assault. When he can't pay the fine -- because he has lost all his money -- he must spend a fortnight in jail. There are no lines in common with the other two ballads. This is attributed, on the broadside, to J.G. Peters. (There is a duplicate at Bodleian, Harding B 18(83), "The Charming Young Lady I Met in the Rain," H. De Marsan (New York), 1864-1878.) (This version is a variant of Bodleian, Firth b.26(366), "The Charming Young Widow I Met in the Train," H. Such (London), 1863-1885.)
The H. De Marsan New York broadsides are so close to each other and to "The Charming Young Widow I Met on the Train" -- without being the same ballad -- that it is clear that two are derived from a third. [H. De Marsan dating per _Studying Nineteenth-Century Popular Song_ by Paul Charosh in American Music, Winter 1997, Vol 15.4, Table 1, available at FindArticles site] - BS
File: R390
===
NAME: Chase of the O. L. C. Steer
DESCRIPTION: "Did you ever hear of the O L C Steer With widely flaring horns He smashes the trees as he splits the breeze And the cowboy ropes he scorns." Cowboys Rap, Johnny, and Bob vow to catch the steer, but it escapes and they spend their lives making excuses
AUTHOR: Agnes Morley Cleveland ?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1908
KEYWORDS: animal escape cowboy
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Thorp/Fife XVII, pp. 225-227 (36-38), "Chase of the O. L. C. Steer" (1 text)
Roud #12500
NOTES: The only claim of authorship of this piece was made by Agnes Morley Cleveland in a 1945 letter to Neil M. Cleveland. She gives the initials as "A. L. C.," pronounced "Alcy." - RBW
File: TF017
===
NAME: Chase the Buffalo: see Shoot the Buffalo (File: R523)
===
NAME: Chase the Squirrel
DESCRIPTION: "Ev'rybody teeter up and down, Grab 'em by the waist an' a whirl them around, An' around an' around an' around." "Chase the squirrel, chase the squirrel, Chase the purty girl round the world...." "First to the center, then to the wall...."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1911 (JAFL 24)
KEYWORDS: playparty animal
FOUND_IN: US(MW,So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph 537, "Chase the Squirrel" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #7645
File: R537
===
NAME: Chased Old Satan Through The Door
DESCRIPTION: "I chased old Satan through the door, Hit him in the head with a two-by-four, I'm gonna wear a starry crown over there." Humorous verses about the singer's religious progress.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: religious humorous floatingverses
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
The Woodie Brothers, "Chased Old Satan Through the Door" (Victor Vi-23579)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "I Never Will Turn Back Any More" (floating verses)
NOTES: This reads like a humorous take on a church hymn; several of the verses float. It looks a lot like "I Never Will Turn Back Any More," but that seems to be built on a different hymn. - RBW
File: RcCOSTTD
===
NAME: Chatsworth Wreck, The [Laws G30]
DESCRIPTION: A train is bringing happy travelers to Niagara Falls when it crashes through a burned bridge and is wrecked. A hundred people are killed
AUTHOR: Thomas P. Westendorf
EARLIEST_DATE: 1913 (Belden)
KEYWORDS: train death disaster wreck
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Aug 10, 1887 -  A train from Peoria, Illinois goes through a bridge near Chatsworth, Illinois on its way to Niagara Falls. 81 people are killed and 372 injured
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Laws G30, "The Chatsworth Wreck"
Belden, pp. 422-423, "The Chatsworth Wreck" (1 text)
Randolph 681, "The Chatsworth Wreck" (1 text, 1 tune)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 447-449, "The Chatsworth Wreck" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 681)
Cohen-LSRail, p. 272, "The Bridge Was Burned at Chatsworth" (notes only)
DT 641, CHATWRCK*
Roud #2198
NOTES: Called "The Bridge Was Burned at Chatsworth" by the author, though this name hardly seems to exist in the tradition. - RBW
File: LG30
===
NAME: Chauffe Fort!
DESCRIPTION: French: "C'etait l'automn' dernier, J'etais travailer, Je m'en vas au Grand Tronc, c'etait pour m'engager." The penniless singer goes to the Grand Trunk (railway) to look for a job. He is made to shovel coal till he is exhausted. He warns of the work
AUTHOR: unknown/English words by Allan Bernfeld
EARLIEST_DATE: 1919
KEYWORDS: railroading work hardtimes foreignlanguage
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1836 - Building of Canada's first railway, the Champlain and St. Lawrence
1852 - Incorporation of the Grand Trunk Railway (financed mostly by British rather than Canadian interests)
1853 - The Grand Trunk becomes a major player by taking over Canada's first international line, the St. Lawrence and Atlantic
1862 - First government cleanup of the Grand Trunk, brought about by the Grand Trunk Arrangements Act
FOUND_IN: Canada(Que)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Fowke/Mills/Blume, pp. 203-205, "Chauffe Fort!" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: Fowke/Mills reports that the Canadian railroad system grew by over 60% between 1900 and 1914. Most of this new track was laid by the Grand Trunk, which finished the second trans-Canadian railway and also ran the line from Montreal to Ottawa.
Always badly undercapitalized and overambitious, the Grand Trunk faced financial crises at regular intervals.The problem was rendered that much worse by the early twentieth century boom in railroad building. One Trans-Canadian railroad already existed, and the time had seemingly come for another. But there were two companies which wanted the rights (and the government's help): The Grand Trunk, which wanted to extend its eastern routes to the west, and a western conglomeration, which wanted to enter the eastern markets.
The government made a slight attempt to get the two to work together, but nothing came of it, and the two rail companies proceeded, with government subsidies, to create two different networks.
Not surprisingly, neither was successful. The Grand Trunk vanished in 1923, when it went bankrupt and was taken over by the Canadian National Railway.
The title means "Shovel hard." - RBW
File: FMB203
===
NAME: Cheer Up, Sam
DESCRIPTION: Minstrel song. Former slave tells of his love for Sarah Bell. He offered all he had, but she left him for a white man with money. Cho: "Cheer up Sam, now donât let your spirits go down, for there's many a belle that we know is lookin for you in town."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1850s (American broadsides)
KEYWORDS: minstrel slavery love rejection foc's'le
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Hugill, p. 562, "Cheer Up, Sam" (1 text, 1 tune)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Sarah Bell
NOTES: Popular "shore song" adapted for use at the capstan. - SL
Popular it may have been, but I've searched without success for any sign of it. I suspect a better description is "widely touted." - RBW
File: Hugi562
===
NAME: Cheer, Boys, Cheer (I): see Sebastopol (Old England's Gained the Day; Capture and Destruction of Sebastopol; Cheer, Boys, Cheer) (File: SmHa041)
===
NAME: Cheer'ly Man
DESCRIPTION: Shanty. "Oh, Nancy Dawson, hio! Cheer'ly, man! She's got a notion, hio! Cheer'ly, man! For our old bosun, hio! Cheer'ly, man, Oh! hauley, hio! Cheer'ly, man!"  Various women are mentioned, perhaps linked to members of the crew, who are urged to pull hard
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Whall)
KEYWORDS: shanty nonballad
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
Shay-SeaSongs, pp. 32-34, "Cheer'ly, Man" (2 texts)
Colcord, p. 77, "Cheerly, Man" (1 text, 1 tune)
Hugill, pp. 312-315, "Cheerily Man," (2 texts, 2 tunes) [AbEd, pp. 234-237\
Sharp-EFC, XLV, p.50, "Cheerly Man" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CHEERLY
Roud #395
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Haul 'Er Away (Little Sally Racket)" (form, lyrics)
NOTES: Shay believes that this is mentioned in Dana's _Two Years Before the Mast_. The section quoted makes it appear likely, but Dana did not actually quote text, merely the singing of "Cheerily, men," which might just possibly be ship's idiom. Still, it is likely that the song is much older than the known texts.
Lloyd and others lump this with "Haul 'Er Away (Little Sally Racket)." There is certainly similarity in the form, and in some of the lyrics, and in the idea, but the choruses are different enough that I tentatively split them. - RBW
File: ShayS032
===
NAME: Cheerily, Man: see Cheer'ly Man (File: ShayS032)
===
NAME: Cheerly Man: see Cheer'ly Man (File: ShayS032)
===
NAME: Cherokee Hymn (I Have a Father in the Prog Ni Lo)
DESCRIPTION: "I have a father in the prog ni lo, And you have a father in the prog ni lo, We all have a father in the prog ni lo." "Nee I ravy, Nee-shi, nee-shi ni-go, Three I three-by an shee prog no lo." "I have a (brother/mother/sister) in the prog ni lo."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1935 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad foreignlanguage
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 658, "Cherokee Hymn" (1 text, supposedly partly in Cherokee; "Prog Ni Lo" is said to be Cherokee for "Promised Land")
Roud #4213
File: Br3658
===
NAME: Cherries are Ripe
DESCRIPTION: "Cherries are Ripe, cherries are ripe, (The robin sang one day)." Various endings: cherries are given to the baby, or the students greet their teacher
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1963 (recording, Margaret MacArthur)
KEYWORDS: bird nonballad food
FOUND_IN: US(NE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Pankake-PHCFSB, p. 99, "Cherries are Ripe" (1 text, possibly a parody of more normal texts, but the other versions I've seen of this are so short that it could also be a "straight" fragment that didn't survive elsewhere)
RECORDINGS:
Margaret MacArthur, "Cherries Are Ripe" (on MMacArthur01)
File: PHCFS099
===
NAME: Cherry Tree Carol, The: see The Cherry-Tree Carol [Child #54] (File: C054)
===
NAME: Cherry Tree, The
DESCRIPTION: "Oh, a cherry tree's a pretty tree When it is in full bloom; And so is a handsome young man When he a-courting goes." The young man claims to be well to do, and wins the girl; now she finds herself poor, with no land and no home
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1968
KEYWORDS: courting marriage poverty promise lie
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Meredith/Anderson, pp. 169-170, "The Cherry Tree" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2947
NOTES: Whether this has anything to do with the folklore associating the cherry tree with female sexuality I do not know. But I mention it because it might. - RBW
File: MA169
===
NAME: Cherry-Tree Carol, The [Child 54]
DESCRIPTION: Joseph and Mary are walking. Mary asks Joseph for some of the cherries they are passing by, since she is pregnant. Joseph  tells her to let the baby's father get them. The unborn Jesus orders the tree to give Mary cherries. Joseph repents
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1768 (Gilbert MS)
KEYWORDS: carol Jesus religious
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,NE,SE,So) Britain(England,(Scotland(Aber)) Canada(Mar,Ont,West)
REFERENCES: (29 citations)
Child 54, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (4 texts)
Bronson 54, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (30 versions + 2 in an appendix, one of them being "Mary With Her Young Son"' in addition, #27 contains "The Holly Bears a Berry" and #29 a scrap of "The Holly and the Ivy")
Greig #160, p. 1, "The Cherry-Tree Carol" (1 text)
GreigDuncan2 327, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (2 texts plus 6 verses on p. 579)
BarryEckstormSmyth p. 446, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (notes only)
Flanders-Ancient2, pp. 70-73, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #9}
Randolph 12, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 fragmentary text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #30}
BrownII 15, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (2 texts)
Davis-Ballads 13, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text plus 2 fragments; the only substantial text, "A," begins with two verses clearly imported from something else; 1 tune) {Bronson's #14}
Ritchie-Southern, pp. 36-37, "Carol of the Cherry Tree" (1 text, 1 tune)
Scarborough-NegroFS, p. 60, (no title) (1 single-stanza excerpt)
Creighton/Senior, pp. 34-35, "Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text plus 1 fragment, 2 tunes) {Bronson's #22, #11}
Thomas-Makin', pp. 222-231, "(The Cherry Tree Carol)" (2 texts plus a fragment, 1 tune)
Leach, pp. 175-177, "The Cherry-Tree Carol" (2 texts)
Friedman, p. 59, "The Cherry-Tree Carol" (1 text, 1 tune)
OBB 101, "The Cherry-Tree Carol" (1 text)
OBC 66, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text (separated into smaller parts, the last being "Mary With Her Young Son"), 4 tunes) {for the "First Tune" cf. Bronson's #1; the "Second Tune" is Bronson's #32}
Fowke/Johnston, pp. 128-129, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #22}
PBB 2, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text)
ADDITIONAL: Ian Bradley, _The Penguin Book of Carols_ (1999), #42, "Joseph Was an Old Man" (1 text)
Niles 23, "The Cherry Tree" (1 text, 1 tune)
SharpAp 15 "The Cherry-Tree Carol" (5 texts plus a fragment, 6 tunes) {Bronson's #28, #17, #16, #19, #15, #21}
Sharp/Karpeles-80E 12, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text, 1 tune) {Bronson's #16; cf. #20}
Hodgart, p. 151, "The Cherry-Tree Carol" (1 text)
Botkin-SoFolklr, p. 758, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text, 1 tune)
LPound-ABS, 19, p. 47, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text)
Darling-NAS, pp. 40-42, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 380, "Cherry Tree Carol" (1 text)
DT 54, CHERTREE*
Roud #453
RECORDINGS:
Maud Long, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (AFS; on LC14)
 Jean Ritchie, "Cherry Tree Carol" (on JRitchie02)
Mrs. Lee Skeens, "The Cherry Tree Carol" (AFS; on LC57)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Mary With Her Young Son"
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
The Cherry Tree
Joseph and Mary
The Sixth of January
NOTES: Widely considered to be based on the Infancy Gospel of the Pseudo-Matthew (Latin, ninth century). In that book, however, the miracle took place AFTER Jesus's birth. Joseph, Jesus, and Mary were fleeing from King Herod when Mary became faint. Joseph led her under a date palm to rest. Mary begged Joseph to get her some of the dates. Joseph was astonished; the tree was too tall to climb. But Jesus (who was no more than two years old) commanded the palm, "Bow down, tree, and refresh my mother with your fruit." And bow down it did, and remained so until Jesus ordered it to straighten up (and be carried into heaven)!
The only part of this with scriptural basis is Joseph's jealousy (Matt. 1:18-20) and the angel's announcement that Joseph should care for the child (Matt. 1:20-25 -- where, however, the message comes in a dream).
It is perhaps interesting that, in the carol, it is the *cherry* tree that bows down. Various legends swirl about the cherry, including one from China that associates it with female sexuality (the English parallel is presumably obvious). There is also a Swiss legend that offers cherries to new mothers.
Incidentally, the link to the pseudo-Matthew is not universally accepted; Baring-Gould linked the thing to a tale in the Kalevala (canto L), the story of Marjatta, in which the virgin Marjatta eats a cranberry (?), brings forth a boy, loses him, finds him, brings him to be baptised, is condemned by Vanamoinen, but he defends himself and is baptised as a king. (Complications ensure, of course.)
The parallels are obviously interesting -- but it must be recalled that the Kalevala is actually more recent than the Cherry-Tree Carol. More likely both come from common roots.
An even more interesting parallel is in the Quran. In Surah 3:46 ("The Imrans"), Jesus "will preach to men in his cradle"; the statement is repeated in 5:110 ("The Table"). More amazing, though, is 19:22f. ("Mary" or, in more literal translations, "Mariam"): Mary, as she goes into labor, wishes she had died. The child speaks up and commands the date-palm to feed her. Later, as the unmarried Mary comes among her people, she is accused of whoredom. She points to the infant Jesus, who justifies her from the cradle.
The legend that Joseph was old when he married Mary has no direct scriptural basis. The logic is indirect: Mary was still alive at the time of Jesus's ministry, death, and resurrection. Joseph, however, is not mentioned in this context; the only mentions of him as a living man are in the infancy portions of Matthew and Luke. Thus the assumption was that he was dead, and hence implicitly that he was much older than Mary. This also allowed the Church to solve another problem: The mention of brothers of Jesus (James and others) when it was maintained (again on no scriptural basis) that Mary was a perpetual virgin: The argument was that Mary was Joseph's second wife, and Jesus's brothers were in fact half brothers: Joseph's children by the previous wife. (Making them, genetically if not legally, no brothers of Jesus at all.)
This cannot be disproved, of course. But two points need to be made. First, we have only two date pegs for the life of Jesus: First, he was born in the reign of Herod the Great (so both Matthew and Luke), and second, he was active in ministry in the fifteenth year of Tiberius the Caesar (Luke 3:1).
Herod the Great is known to have died in 4 B.C.E., meaning that Jesus must have been born by that year. There are inferential reasons to think he was born in 6 or 7 C.E.
Tiberius suceeded the emperor Augustus in 14 C. E. Thus his fifteenth year was probably 29 C. E. Jesus was very likely crucified in 30 C.E. This means that he was probably at least 36 years old.
So if Joseph had been a young man of 22 when he married Mary, he would have had to live to at least age 58 to be around when Jesus died. Lots of people in Roman Palestine died before age 58! The fact that Joseph was almost certainly dead in 30 C.E. is no evidence at all for the claim that he was old in 6 B.C.E. It' possible, but not all that likely.
The other evidence, about Jesus's brothers, is also weak. James is the one member of Jesus's family to be mentioned outsie the Bible: Josephus, _Antiquities_ XX.200 in the Loeb edition (XX.ix.1 in older editions) say that he was stoned to death soon after the Judean procurator Festus died. Festus, we know from Josephus, died in 62. James, under the "son of Joseph's first wife" theory, would have had to be at least seventy at this time. Certainly possible, but it's a lot easier to assume James was born after Jesus, and hence only in his sixties. I stress that there is no proof, but the strong weight of evidence is that Joseph was *not* old when Jesus was born. - RBW
File: C054
===
NAME: Chesapeake and the Shannon (I), The [Laws J20]
DESCRIPTION: The U.S.S. Chesapeake sails out of Boston Harbor, confident of victory, to engage H.M.S. Shannon. The well-trained British crew of Captain Broke quickly defeats the American ship and takes it as a prize
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Mackenzie)
KEYWORDS: war navy ship political battle
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: June 1, 1813 - Battle between the Chesapeake and the Shannon
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar) Britain
REFERENCES: (12 citations)
Laws J20, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon I"
Logan, pp. 69-72, "Chesapeake and Shannon" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 293, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fowke/Johnston, pp. 24-25, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fowke/Mills/Blume, pp. 68-70, "The 'Chesapeake' and the 'Shannon'" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 79, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon" (1 text, 1 tune)
Harlow, pp. 187-188, "Shannon and Chesapeake" (1 text, 1 tune)
Shay-SeaSongs, p. 165-166, "The Shannon and the Chesapeake" (1 text, 1 tune)
Scott-BoA, pp. 111-112, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon" (1 text, 1 tune)
Darling-NAS, pp. 96-97, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon" (1 text)
DT 398, CHESSHAN*
ADDITIONAL: C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907 (available on Google Books), p. 311, "Shannon and Chesapeake" (1 text)
ST LJ20 (Full)
Roud #1583
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, 2806 c.17(383), "Shanon & Chesapeak" ("The Chesapeake, quite bold")[title not entirely legible], unknown, n.d.
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Constitution and the Guerriere" [Laws A6] (historical setting)
cf. "The Chesapeake and the Shannon (II) and (III)" (plot)
NOTES: The victory of the _Constitution_ over the _Guerriere_ (for background, see "The Constitution and the Guerriere," Laws A6) significantly improved the morale of the American navy. Other victories followed, giving the Americans still more confidence.
One of these was the fateful meeting between U.S.S. _Hornet_ and H.M.S. _Peacock_, for which see "The Hornet and the Peacock." The _Hornet_ was commanded by a bold up-and-comer by the name of James Lawrence. That earned Lawrence, who was still only 31 in 1813, command of the _Chesapeake_, one of only half a dozen frigates in hte U. S. Navy at the time (see Walter R. Borneman, _1812: The War That Forged a Nation_, p. 113).
In the late spring of 1813, a "single combat" was arranged between James Lawrence's U.S.S. _Chesapeake_ and Captain Philip-Bowes-Vere Broke's H.M.S. _Shannon_. (The challenge was supposedly written, though it's said that Lawrence did not receive the actual written challenge; Borneman, p. 115; Donald R. Hickey, _The War of 1812_, p. 154; Fletcher Pratt, _A Compact History of the United States Navy_, p. 83.)
The American decision was not wise. _Chesapeake_ was already a hard-luck ship; in 1807, H. M. S. _Leopard_ had demanded the right to search her for deserters (this was one of the key issues of the War of 1812); being refused, _Leopard_ fired into the American ship -- which was manned by an inexperienced and largely incompetent crew -- and had their way. (Borneman, pp. 22-24; Lincoln P. Paine, _Ships of the World_, pp. 108-109. Pierre Berton, _The Invasion of Canada [Volume I], 1812-1813_, Atlantic-Little Brown, 1980, pp. 35-36, describes the men's theft of property when they deserted and thinks that the whole thing started because the British ship commander, although he didn't want an incident, had said too much to back down. Hickey, p. 17, notes the irony that the British would disclaim the _Leopard's_ action and returned three impressed sailors, though Berton, p. 37, adds that one was hanged at Halifax.) This led to increased tension between Britain and the U. S., but not open war -- yet.
By 1812, _Chesapeake_ was of course seaworthy again, but her crew was hastily-assembled (many veteran sailors had refused to re-enlist due to arguments over prize money; Hickey, p. 155), and Lawrence didn't know them; only one officer had served aboard her for any length of time (Borneman, p. 115). Many of the crew weren't even English-speakers; Pratt, p. 88, reports that about three dozen were Portugese. It should have been obvious that _Chesapeake's_ sailors were no match for an experienced British crew. The ship had had some success early in the war taking small British prizes, but that was with Samuel Evans in command.
Broke, by contrast, had commanded the _Shannon_ since 1806, and he had turned his ship and crew into one of the best in the British fleet -- and, unlike some officers, he insisted on target practice, so his gunners were unusually good shots(Pratt, p. 83).
The battle took place on June 1, 1813. Lawrence failed to take his one chance to cross the T on _Shannon's_ stern, and that effectively ended the battle. Within minutes Lawrence had been mortally wounded (his last words were, "Don't give up the ship! Fight her till she sinks," but they did little good, the more so since the bugler refused to relay them; Borneman, p. 117) and the British were boarding the Chesapeake.
The executive officer was also wounded, but survived, and he needed a scapegoat, so he filed charges blaming the defeat on the probationary officer William S. Cox, who had moved Lawrence out of the line of fire and then found himself commanding the ship after all the other officers were disabled -- though there really wasn't much Cox could have done by then. Cox was dishonorably discharged, dying 62 years later without his case being re-examined; he finally was exonerated by act of congress in 1953 (see John K. Mahon, _The War of 1812_, Da Capo, 1972, pp. 124-125). As far as I know, no one has had the guts to formally blame Lawrence for his folly.
It was a truly brutal defeat for the Americans: Not only did they lose the ship and Captain Lawrence, but also the first lieutenant and fourth lieutenants mortally wounded, as was the marine commander, and the second and third lieutenants wounded. Total losses were 47 killed, 14 mortally wounded, and 85 with lesser wounds. The _Shannon_ had 24 killed and 59 wounded, some mortally; Captain Broke, who had himself led the boarding parties, was too wounded to return to sea. The whole battle had taken 15 minutes. (See Hickey, p. 155; James Henderson, _The Frigates_, pp. 154-160, though this account is very pro-British and ignores the rather sorry state of the _Chesapeake_).
It is odd to note that neither _Chesaapeake_ nor _Shannon_ was badly damaged (they came together so quickly that both ships still had all their masts). The British probably could have taken _Chesapeake_ into the Royal Navy -- and, given the general quality of American ships, might have been well-advised to do so. But the Napoleonic Wars were winding down, so she was sent to England and broken up (Borneman, p. 118); according to Hickey, p. 155, her timber eventually was used to build a flour mill.
The victory meant that the British, who had been stung by the popular broadside "The Constitution and the Guerriere,"  finally had something to celebrate out of the naval war. The promptly produced this piece, reported by Logan to be sung to the tune of "Yankee Doodle" but usually printed with the tune "Landlady of France"or "Pretty Peggy of Derby, O."
To tell this song from the other "Chesapeake" ballads, consider this stanza:
The Chesapeake so bold out of Boston we've been told
Came to take the British frigate neat and handy, O.
All the people of the port they came out to see the sport,
And the bands were playing Yankee Doodle Dandy, O. - RBW
File: LJ20
===
NAME: Chesapeake and the Shannon (II), The [Laws J21]
DESCRIPTION: A sailor on H.M.S. Shannon narrates how, on the "fourth" (!) of June, his ship sailed out to meet the U.S.S. Chesapeake. After only ten minutes of fighting the British (who claim to have been outnumbered) board the American and strike her colours
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1950 (Creighton/Senior)
KEYWORDS: war sailor ship battle navy
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: June 1, 1813 - Battle between the Chesapeake and the Shannon
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Laws J21, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon II"
Creighton/Senior, pp. 266-267, "Chesapeake and Shannon" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT 748, CHESHAN2
Roud #1891
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Chesapeake and the Shannon (I) and (III)" (plot)
NOTES: For the background on the Chesapeake/Shannon fight, see the notes on "The Chesapeake and the Shannon (I)" [Laws J20]. - RBW
File: LJ21
===
NAME: Chesapeake and the Shannon (III), The [Laws J22]
DESCRIPTION: Captain Broke of H.M.S. Shannon challenges Captain Lawrence of U.S.S. Chesapeake to battle. The Chesapeake comes out to meet the enemy; within minutes the two ships are locked together (and the British are boarding the American vessel)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1829 (broadside, Bodleian Harding B 25(144))
KEYWORDS: war ship battle
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: June 1,1 813 - Battle between the Chesapeake and the Shannon
FOUND_IN: Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Laws J22, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon III"
Mackenzie 80, "The Chesapeake and the Shannon" (1 text)
DT 552, CHESSHA2
ADDITIONAL: C. H. Firth, _Publications of the Navy Records Society_ , 1907 (available on Google Books), p. 312, "Battle of the Shannon and Chesapeak" (1 text)
Roud #963
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 25(144), "Battle of the Shannon and Chesapeak" ("On board the Shannon frigate, in the fine month of May"), T. Batchelar (London), 1817-1828 ; also Harding B 11(3541), "X"; Harding B 25(1758), Harding B 11(3476), "The Shannon and Chesapeak"; Firth c.12(50), Firth c.12(51), Harding B 11(1046), "Battle of the Shannon and Chesapeake"; Harding B 11(190), Harding B 15(82b), Johnson Ballads 183, "Battle of the Shannon and Chesapeak"
NOTES: For the background on the Chesapeake/Shannon fight, see the notes on "The Chesapeake and the Shannon (I)" [Laws J20]. - RBW
File: LJ22
===
NAME: Chester
DESCRIPTION: "Let tyrants shake their iron rods... We fear them not, we trust in God, New England's God forever reigns." The generals who would conquer America are listed. The song glories in the victory of "beardless boys" over veterans. God is thanked
AUTHOR: William Billings
EARLIEST_DATE: 1778 (Singing Master's Assistant)
KEYWORDS: patriotic religious rebellion freedom
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Botkin-NEFolklr, pp. 536-537, "Chester" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CHSTER*
NOTES: The British officers listed in the second stanza are as follows:
Howe: Presumably William Howe, 5th Viscount Howe (1729-1814), who commanded the British forces at Bunker Hill and was the commander in chief of British forces in America (succeeding Gage) from 1776 to 1778 (he resigned after Saratoga, and properly, as his inaction led to Burgoyne's defeat). Might also refer to his older brother Richard (4th Viscount and Earl, 1726-1799), who served primarily in the navy.
Burgoyne: John "Gentleman Johnny" Burgoyne (1722-1792), commanded a British army sent down from Canada against the American revolutionaries. Burgoyne (re)captured Fort Ticonderoga in 1777, but in 1778 was defeated and his army taken at Saratoga. (The fault for this was largely Howe's, however, as the plan of campaign called for simultaneous advances against the rebels, and Howe quickly gave up his push, leaving the colonials free to deal with Burgoyne. For further background, see the notes to "The Fate of John Burgoyne.")
Clinton: Sir Henry Clinton (c. 1738-1795), became commander in chief in America in 1778. He served as commander in chief until 1781 (long after "Chester" was written). Despite losing the war, he was probably the best officer the British had in America, leading the  outflanking force which pushed Washington from Long Island as well as one of the few raids Howe sent out to distract colonial attention from Burgoyne.
Prescott: The British forces did not have a senior officer named Prescott (!). I'm guessing the reference is to Richard Prescott 1725-1788), described by Stanley Weintraub, _Iron Tears: America's Battle for Freedom, Britain's Quagmire: 1775-1783_, Free Press, 2005, p. 341 thus: "Colonel, 7th Foot with rank in America of brigadier general from November 1775. Captured, exchanged, and recaptured again (sic.) in July 1777 to exchange for Charles Lee. His reputation for arrogancve was satirized in the British Press."
Cornwallis: Charles Cornwallis, 1738-1805. At the time this song was written, the senior officer after Clinton in America, and the most aggressive of Clinton's subordinates. He lost the climactic battle of the war at Yorktown (for which see, e.g., "Lord Cornwallis's Surrender"), but this of course was later. And he wasn't actually a bad officer, as his later service in India and Ireland would show (for the latter, see, e.g., "The Troubles." - RBW
File: BNEF536
===
NAME: Chevy Chase: see The Hunting of the Cheviot [Child 162] (File: C162)
===
NAME: Chewing Gum: see Fond of Chewing Gum (File: R368)
===
NAME: Cheyenne Boys: see Come All You Virginia Girls (Arkansas Boys; Texian Boys; Cousin Emmy's Blues; etc.) (File: R342)
===
NAME: Chichester Boys, The
DESCRIPTION: The story of the factory and town of Chichester. When founded by Eli Chichester, the workers were treated fairly and liked the conditions. Hard times forced the factory into bankruptcy and a takeover, and the singer left. Now he wishes he had stayed
AUTHOR: Bill Moon
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: work factory hardtimes
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1893 - Bankruptcy of the Chichester factory. The workers tried but failed to rescue the company, which was taken over by W. O. von Schwarzwalder (called Swashwaller in the Catskills text)
FOUND_IN: US(MA)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
FSCatskills 170, "The Chichester Boys" (1 text)
ST FSC170 (Partial)
File: FSC170
===
NAME: Chickamy chickamy crannie crow: see Chickee Chickee Ma Craney Crow (Hawks and Chickens) (File: R570)
===
NAME: Chickee Chickee Ma Craney Crow (Hawks and Chickens)
DESCRIPTION: "Chickee chickee ma craney crow, Went to the well to wash my big toe, When I got there one of my black-eyed chickens was gone, What time o' day is it, old witch?" The witch answers, and eventually is allowed to catch one of the chickens circling her
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1903 (Newell)
KEYWORDS: witch playparty chickens cumulative
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Randolph 570, "Chickee Chickee Ma Craney Crow" (3 texts)
MHenry-Appalachians, p. 244, (no title) (1 short text, beginning "Chickamy chickamy crannie crow" and in which the singer's "clillun," not her chickens, is missing; it is a cumulative version in which the witch counts through one o'clock, two o'clock, etc.)
Scarborough-NegroFS, p. 138, (no title) (1 fragment, with the first line "Chickamy, chickamy, crany crow")
Roud #7661
File: R570
===
NAME: Chicken
DESCRIPTION: "Chicken, oh, you chicken, went up in a balloon, Chicken, oh, you chicken, roost behind the moon.... Tell it all to the bad boy, chicken don't roost so high... When they see me coming All round this old plantation, There can't be a chicken seen."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1952 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: chickens bird technology
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 434, "Chicken" (1 short text)
Roud #11777
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Chicken Don't Roost Too High for Me" (subject)
File: Br434
===
NAME: Chicken and the Bone, The: see Captain Wedderburn's Courtship [Child 46] (File: C046)
===
NAME: Chicken Don't Roost Too High for Me
DESCRIPTION: Singer tells chicken not to roost too high, but to come down out of his tree. Sometimes there are other verses about chasing a chicken to kill and eat, but mostly this is a fiddle tune with incidental verses
AUTHOR: Fred Lyons
EARLIEST_DATE: 1887 (sheet music published)
KEYWORDS: death farming food nonballad animal bird chickens
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Uncle Tom Collins, "Chicken, You Can't Roost Too High for Me" (OKeh 45140, 1927)
Dixie String Band, "Chicken Don't Roost Too High for Me" (Puritan 9160, n.d. but prob. c. 1926)
Georgia Potlickers, "Chicken, Don't Roost Too High" (Brunswick 595, 1932; rec. 1930; on StuffDreams1)
Earl Johnson & his Clodhoppers, "They Don't Roost Too High for Me" (OKeh 45223, 1928; on Cornshuckers2)
Riley Puckett, "Chicken Don't Roost Too High for Me" (Columbia 150-D, 1924)
Uncle Tom Collins, "Chicken Can't Roost Too High for Me" (OKeh 45140, 1927)
Henry Whitter, "Chicken Don't Roost Too High for Me" (OKeh 40077, 1924)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "There's a Lock on the Chicken House Door" (subject)
cf. "Chicken" (subject)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Dem Chickens Roost Too High [original sheet music title]
NOTES: This barely makes it into the collection, but it's common enough to make it worth listing, if only to differentiate it from the other chicken and chicken-stealing songs. - PJS
File: RcCDRTHM
===
NAME: Chicken in the Bread Tray: see Granny Will Your Dog Bite? (File: Br3158)
===
NAME: Chicken Run Fast
DESCRIPTION: "Chicken run fast, chicken run slow, Chicken run past the Methodist preacher, Chicken never run no more." "Turkey run fast, turkey run slow, Turkey run past the Baptist preacher." "Water (?!) run fast... Water run past the Campbellite preacher."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1926 (Randolph)
KEYWORDS: animal clergy nonballad chickens
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph 297, "Chicken Run Fast" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #7825
File: R297
===
NAME: Chickens They Are Crowing
DESCRIPTION: Playparty, apparently about a girl who has spent all night with her lover: "Chickens they are crowing, For it's almost daylight." "My father he will scold me...." "My mama will uphold me...." (Others may add other sentiments or warn about boys)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1917 (Cecil Sharp collection); +1911 (JAFL28)
KEYWORDS: playparty courting family nightvisit chickens
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,SE,So)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Randolph 541, "My Pappy He Will Scold Me" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Sharp/Karpeles-80E 66, "The Chickens They Are Crowing" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax-FSNA 105, "Chickens They Are Crowing" (1 text, 1 tune)
SharpAp 269, "The Chickens they are Crowing" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Roud #3650
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "We Won't Go Home Until Morning" (floating lyrics in a few texts)
cf. "Crow, Black Chicken" (words)
File: R541
===
NAME: Chief Aderholt
DESCRIPTION: "Come all of you good people And listen while I tell The story of Chief Aderholt, The man you all know well." Aderholt is shot in Union Ground. The police imprison  and prepare to try labor leaders; the singer calls on hearers to join the union
AUTHOR: Ella May Wiggins
EARLIEST_DATE: 1953 (Greenway), but Wiggins was shot to death in 1929
KEYWORDS: murder police labor-movement
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Burt, pp. 186-187, (no title) (1 text, 1 tune)
Greenway-AFP, p. 248, "Chief Aderholt" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: For a biography of Ella May Wiggins, who was killed in 1929 at the age of 29 (very possibly at the instigation of Loray mine owner Manville Jenckes), see Greenway-AFP, pp. 244-247.
Doug deNatale and Glenn Hinson wrote an article, "The Southern Textile Song Tradition Reconsidered," published in Archie Green, editor, _Songs about Work: Essays in Occupational Culture for Richard A. Reuss_, Folklore Institute, Indiana University, 1993, p. 78, refer to Wiggins as "the tragic martyr and song maker of the 1929 Gastonia strike." On p. 79, they quote a verse of this song as an example of Wiggins' work.
It is a sad and astonishing commentary on the way American politics works that Wiggins's children wound up being vigorously anti-union, and on the fiftieth anniversary of her death engaged in anti-union activism (deNatale and Hinson, p. 80).
It's interesting to ask whether there has been any folk processing between the Burt and Greenway versions. The tunes differ by only a single note, and the lyrics by only a single word; either might have been a printing error. But they are ever so slightly different. - RBW
File: Burt186
===
NAME: Chien, Le (Le Petit Chien, The Little Dog)
DESCRIPTION: Creole French: "Il y a un petit chien chez nous, Que remue les pattes (x2)... Que remue les pattes tout comme vous." "There is a little dog at our house... who shakes his feet just like you."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (Scarborough)
KEYWORDS: animal dog foreignlanguage nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Scarborough-NegroFS, p. 123, "Le Chien" (1 short text with loose English translation)
File: ScNF123A
===
NAME: Child in the Budget, The
DESCRIPTION:  Tinkers, out drinking, exhaust their funds. One puts his baby in his tool bag and pawns the bag. When the baby cries the pawnbroker laughs at being outwitted, finds the tinker, and gives him a pound to take back the toolbag and contents.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1886 (broadside, Bodleian Firth b.26(340))
KEYWORDS:  trick drink humorous baby tinker money
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #2993
RECORDINGS:
Martin Long, "The Child in the Budget" (on IRClare01)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Firth b.26(340), "The Tinker and His Budget ("Come all you good people attend for awhile"), H. Such (London), 1863-1885; also Firth b.27(85), "The Tinkers Budget" or "Pawnbroker Outwitted"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Basket of Eggs" (baby in the basket motif)
cf. "Quare Bungo Rye" (baby in the basket motif)
NOTES: Notes to IRClare01: "A budget is a bag or knapsack used for carrying tools." - BS
File: RcTCitB
===
NAME: Child Maurice [Child 83]
DESCRIPTION: Child Maurice sends his page with love-tokens to "the very first woman that ever loved me."  Her husband hears the page, finds Child Maurice, kills him, and brings the head to his wife. She reveals this was her son; he repents his murder. (They also die.)
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1765 (Percy)
KEYWORDS: death family mother wife children murder revenge
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber)) Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (11 citations)
Child 83, "Child Maurice" (7 texts)
Bronson 83, "Child Maurice" (7 versions+1 in addenda)
Greig #115, p. 1, "Gill Morice" (1 text) 
Greenleaf/Mansfield 11, "Gil Morissy" (1 text)
Percy/Wheatley III, pp. 91-103, "Gill Morrice" (2 texts, one from the folio manuscript and one being the modified version printed by Percy in the Reliques)
Flanders-Ancient2, pp. 238-245, "Child Maurice" (1 text, from "The Charms of Melody" rather than tradition)
Leach, pp. 273-277, "Child Maurice" (1 text)
OBB 47, "Childe Maurice" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 194, "Childe Maurice (Gill Morice)" (1 text)
Gummere, pp.190-194+,345 "Child Maurice" (1 text)
DT 83, GILMORIS
Roud #53
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Sir James the Rose" [Child 213] (tune)
File: C083
===
NAME: Child of Elle, The: see Earl Brand [Child 7] (File: C007)
===
NAME: Child of God
DESCRIPTION: "If anybody asks you who I am... Tell him I'm a child of God." "Peace on earth, Mary rocks the cradle... The Christ child born in glory." The singer reports on the coming of the Christ child, and reports being on the way to glory
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: religious Jesus nonballad Christmas
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Silber-FSWB, p. 377, "Child of God" (1 text)
NOTES: The Folksinger's Wordbook lists this as a Christmas song. It has Christmas verses, but I wonder; that is not its overall feeling. They look like they are grafted in. - RBW
File: FSWB377A
===
NAME: Child of the Railroad Engineer, The (The Two Lanterns)
DESCRIPTION: "A little child on a sick-bed lay, And to death seemed very near." The child's father is a railroad engineer, and must go to work. He bids the mother show a red light if the child dies and a green if the news was good. As he drives by, she shows the green
AUTHOR: Words: Harry V. Neal / Music: Gussie L. Davis
EARLIEST_DATE: 1898 (sheet music)
KEYWORDS: family children disease railroading
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Cohen-LSRail, pp. , "The Red and Green Signal Light/The Engineer's Child" (2 texts plus a copy of the sheet music cover, 1 tune)
Randolph 685, "The Two Lanterns" (1 text)
Spaeth-WeepMore, pp. 140-141, "The Child of the Railroad Engineer" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CHILDENG*
Roud #5066
RECORDINGS:
Chuck Wagon Gang, "The Engineer's Child" (Vocalion 04105, 1938)
[G. B.] Grayson & [Henry] Whitter, "The Red and Green Signal Lights" (Victor V-40063, 1929); "Red or Green" (Gennett 6418/Champion 15465/Challenge 397 [as by David Foley], 1928)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Just Set a Light
NOTES: It's hard to believe that every version I've seen of this song has a happy ending; it sounds like a nineteenth century tearjerker. But I can't find evidence to prove it.
I once heard Bob Bovee and Gail Heil joke that they had two versions of this, with happy and sad endings. But they sang the happy ending.
Norm Cohen raises an interesting possibility in this regard: When the song was written, in 1896, a red light meant danger -- but green meant caution. Not until 1898 was the green-for-good standard first adopted. So the song suddenly became more optimistic two years after its composition. Could this explain the complex endings? - RBW
File: R685
===
NAME: Child Owlet [Child 291]
DESCRIPTION: Lady Erskine wants Child Owlet to sleep with her. Owlet will not; Lord Ronald (Erskine's husband) is Owlet's uncle. Erskine takes revenge by cutting herself and accusing Owlet of raping her. Owlet is torn to pieces between wild horses
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1828 (Buchan)
KEYWORDS: execution infidelity rejection lie
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Child 291, "Child Owlet" (1 text)
DT 291, CHDOWLET*
Roud #3883
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Sheffield Apprentice" [Laws O39]
NOTES: Compare this story to the biblical tale of Joseph and Potiphar's wife (Genesis 39:1-20) - RBW
File: C291
===
NAME: Child Waters [Child 63]
DESCRIPTION: Ellen tells Child Waters she bears his child. Offered two shires of land, she would prefer one kiss. He rides; she runs, swims; as his page, she brings a lady for his bed, gives birth in the stable. He hears her wish him well and herself dead; he relents
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1765 (Percy)
KEYWORDS: courting pregnancy love disguise childbirth
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber)) US(SE,So)
REFERENCES: (14 citations)
Child 63, "Child Waters" (11 texts, 1 tune)
Bronson 63, "Child Waters" (3 versions)
Percy/Wheatley III, pp. 58-65, "Child Waters" (1 text)
Flanders-Ancient2, pp. 76-81, "Child Waters" (1 text, titled "Earl Walter," from the 1818 "Charms of Melody" rather than tradition)
Randolph 13, "The Little Page Boy" (1 fragmentary text, 1 tune, which Randolph places here though it also has lines from the "Cospatrick" version of "Gil Brenton" and which is so short it might go with something else) {Bronson's #3}
BrownII 17, "Child Waters" (1 text)
Leach, pp. 201-205, "Child Waters" (1 text)
OBB 46, "Childe Waters" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 122, "Child Waters" (1 text)
PBB 47, "Child Waters" (1 text)
Gummere, pp. 241-246+354-355, "Child Waters" (1 text)
DBuchan 10, "Child Waters" (1 text)
TBB 4, "Child Waters" (1 text)
DT 63, CHDWATER
Roud #43
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Fair Margaret
Lord William and Lady Margaret
Fair Ellen
File: C063
===
NAME: Child's Lullabye, A: see Oor Cat's Deid (File: HHH040b)
===
NAME: Child's Prayer, The
DESCRIPTION: "Way out in western Texas not so many years ago, Where the ranchers hated settlers worse than rattlesnakes, you know," a rancher determines to burn out a settler house. But he hears a child inside praying for her father and quickly calls off the attack
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1976 (collected by Logsdon from Riley Neal)
KEYWORDS: murder fire children violence father
FOUND_IN: US(SW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Logsdon 8, pp. 58-59, "The Child's Prayer" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST Logs008 (Partial)
Roud #10088
File: Logs008
===
NAME: Children Do Linger
DESCRIPTION: "O member, will you linger? See the children do linger here. I go to glory with you, Member, join." "O Jesus is our Captain... He lead us on to glory." "We'll meet at Zion gateway... We'll talk this story over." "He will bring you milk and honey"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1867 (Allen/Ware/Garrison)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Allen/Ware/Garrison, p. 51, "Children Do Linger" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #12010
File: AWG051
===
NAME: Children Go Where I Send Thee
DESCRIPTION: Cumulative song: "Children, go where I send thee. How shall I send thee? I'm gonna send thee one by one, One for the little bitty baby...." Add "Two by two, two for Paul and Silas" on up to "Twelve for the Twelve Apostles."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1936 (recording, Dennis Crampton & Robert Summers)
KEYWORDS: Bible religious Jesus cumulative nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (6 citations)
Lomax-FSNA 254, "The Holy Babe" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ritchie-SingFam, pp. 163-164, 195, "[Children, Go Where I Send Thee]" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Ritchie-Southern, p. 54, "Little Bitty Baby (Children Go Where I Send Thee)" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-SoFolklr, p. 754, "Holy Babe" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 383, "Children, Go Where I Send Thee" (1 text)
DT, GOSEND
Roud #133
RECORDINGS:
Alphabetical Four, "Go Where I Send Thee" (Decca 7704, 1940; on AlphabFour01)
Dennis Crampton & Robert Summers, "Go I'll Send Thee" (ARC 6-10-62, 1936)
Golden Gate Jubilee Quartet, "Go Where I Send Thee" (Bluebird B-7340, 1937; Victor 20-2134, 1947)
Kelley Pace, Aaron Brown, Joe Green, Matthew Johnson & Paul Hayes, "Holy Babe" (AFS 3803 A2+B, 1942; on LC10)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Green Grow the Rushes-O (The Twelve Apostles, Come and I Will Sing You)" (theme and structure)
cf. "Eleven to Heaven" (theme and structure)
NOTES: This could well be an American version of "Green Grow the Rushes-O" (Roud naturally lumps those two and several others). But it's easy to create songs such as this one; in the absence of certainty, I treat them as separate. See also the notes on that song. - RBW
File: LoF254
===
NAME: Children in the Wood, The (The Babes in the Woods) [Laws Q34]
DESCRIPTION: Two young orphaned children are left in the care of their uncle. He decides to murder them for their money. One of the hired killers has pity and spares them, but then abandons them. They die. The uncle meets countless disasters till his crime is revealed
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1595? (title of piece in Stationer's Register)
KEYWORDS: orphan money death abandonment family children
FOUND_IN: US(Ap,MW,NE,Ro,SE,So) Britain Australia Canada(Mar)
REFERENCES: (23 citations)
Laws Q34, "The Children in the Wood (The Babes in the Woods)"
Percy/Wheatley III, pp. 169-176, "The Children in the Wood" (1 text -- the long form)
Belden, pp. 106-107, "The Babes in the Wood" (2 texts -- the short form)
BrownII 147, "The Babes in the Wood" (1 text)
Hudson 139, p. 285, "Babes in the Woods" (1 text -- the short form)
Scarborough-NegroFS, p. 57, (no title) (1 text, quite short, but it appears to be a fragment of the long form)
Brewster 71, "Babes in the Wood" (1 text -- the short form)
Gardner/Chickering 141, "The Babes in the Woods" (1 text -- the long form)
Randolph 92, "The Babes in the Woods" (5 texts, 2 tunes -- the short form)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 113-115, "The Babes in the Woods" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 92A)
JHCoxIIA, #22, pp. 89-90, "Babes in the Wood" (1 text, 1 tune -- perhaps a fragment of the long form)
SharpAp 47, "The Babes in the Wood" (1 text, 1 tune)
Meredith/Covell/Brown, p. 210, "(The Babes in the Wood)" (1 fragmentary text); pp.  295-296, "Babes in the Wood" (1 text+tune of the short form, plus an excerpt from the long form)
Creighton-SNewBrunswick 87, "Babes in the Wood" (1 short text, 1 tune; although only a fragment, it is clearly derived from the long form)
OBB 174, "The Children in the Wood" (1 text -- the long form)
Abrahams/Foss, pp. 121-122, ""The Babes in the Woods (1 text, 1 tune -- the short form)
LPound-ABS, 115, pp. 233-234, "Babes in the Woods" (1 text -- the short form)
Pankake-PHCFSB, p. 285-286, "Babes in the Woods" (1 text, 1 tune -- the short form)
Baring-Gould-MotherGoose #226, pp. 148-149, "(My dear, do you know)" (the short form)
BBI, ZN1966, "Now ponder well you parents dear"
cf. Chappell/Wooldridge I, p. 92, "[The Two Children in the Wood]" (1 tune)
DT 542, BABWOOD2* PRETBABE*
ADDITIONAL: Iona & Peter Opie, The Oxford Book of Narrative Verse, pp. 42-46, "The Babes in the Wood" (1 text -- the long form)
Roud #288
RECORDINGS:
Dorothy Howard, "Babes in the Wood" (on USWarnerColl01 -- the short form)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 4(30), "The Children in the Wood" or "The Norfolk Gentleman's Last Will and Testament," W. and C. Dicey (London), 1736-1763; also Harding B 4(31), Harding B 4(34), Harding B 4(36), Johnson Ballads 2400, Harding B 30(2), Harding B 4(35), Harding B 4(37), Harding B 4(38), "The Children in the Wood" or "The Norfolk Gentleman's Last Will and Testament"
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Dunbar the Murderer" (plot)
cf. "Three Lost Babes of Americay" (plot)
cf. "The Lost Babes" (plot)
NOTES: Laws notes, "A three stanza lament on the fate of the children called 'The Babes in the Wood' is widely known in American tradition, but the long ballad is rarely met with." At first glance these two songs are hardly related (they don't even use the same metrical form), but Laws seems to want them lumped. Though we note that he lists only occurrences of the long form. But splitting seems inappropriate in the circumstances.
Hales believes this piece to be by the same author as "The Lady's Fall." - RBW
The Creighton-SNewBrunswick 87 is clearly a fragment of the Bodleian broadside version. - BS
The history and content of this song have inspired extensive discussion over the course of several centuries. It raises many difficult questions, both as to history and as to purpose. The result is a very long entry. I have therefore broken it up into the following sections, which you can search for if you don't want to read the whole thing (for instance, to see the names of the references cited, see the Bibliography at the end of this note). These aren't really chapters; the note is meant to be read continuously. But it may help you to find the part you most want. The larger part of this note is about the actions of Richard III and his usurpation of the English throne. You don't need to know all about that to be able to understand the part at the end about "The Legend of the Princes and the Content of the Song." You merely need to know that there is much debate about Richard III, and that Shakespeare's picture is impossibly one-sided. The great question is whether it is *completely* one-sided....
Contents:
* Speculations about the Origin of the Song
* The Historical Problem: The Black Legend of Richard III
* The Historical Sources
* The Background: The Wars of the Roses
* The Death of Edward IV and the Government of the Realm
* The Character of Richard III
* The Usurpation
* The Unknown Fate of the Princes
* Richard's Government and Tudor Government
* The Battle of Bosworth and the Death of Richard III
* The Legend of the Princes and the Content of the Song
* Bibliography (annotated)
>> SPECULATIONS ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF THE SONG <<
This song is well enough known that it inspired various literary references. In Charles Kingsley's _The Water Babies_ (1863), for instance, we read that young Tom would have been trapped in the rhododendrons "till the cock-robins covered him with leaves" (about two-thirds of the way through the first chapter; p. 22 in the Wordsworth Classics edition).
Various sources for this legend have been mentioned. The Baring-Goulds cite an abandonment that took place at Wayland in Norfolk, but offer no names or dates. Based on the notes in the Opies, this is apparently based on an item licensed in 1595 entitled "The Norfolk gent his will and Testament and howe he Commytted the keepinge of his Children to his owne brother whoe delte most wickedly with them and howe God plagued him for it."
Percy, who contributed materially to the popularity of the piece, knew of no relevant legends, but mentioned a play of 1601 on the same theme.
Garnett and Gosse, volume I, p. 307, mentions that _"The Babes in the Wood_ is conjectured, though doubtfully, to have been a veiled allegory of the murder of the young princes in the Tower." Percy/Wheatley, volume III, p. 170, says, "Sharon Turner and Miss Halsted favored the rather untenable opinion that the wicked uncle was intended to represent Richard III.... Turner writes in his _History of England_, 'I have sometimes fancied that the popular ballad may have been written at this time on Richard and his nephews before it was quite safe to stigmatize him more openly.'"
That is, it has been suggested that it is an account of King Edward V of England, his brother Richard Duke of York, and their uncle Richard III of Gloucester. Edward V was deprived of his crown, and then he and his brother vanished, never to be seen again, and Richard III took the throne. This seems to be the most popular link -- for example, Hicks, in his biography of Edward V, p. 13, seems to take the link between the song and the princes for granted (or at least thinks most people assume the link). Seward-Richard, p. 112, states unequivocally, "Richard would be commemorated as the Wicked Uncle in the ballad of the Babes in the Wood... it was undoubtedly inspired by the fate of the little King and his brother."
Contrary to Seward (a *lot* in this note is going to be contrary to Seward, because of his biased attitude) the other explanations for the song show that the link with Richard III is very doubtful. If the possibility is to be admitted at all, it must surely depend on the continuity from the 1595 Stationer's Register piece to the modern song (even in 1595, it's hard to believe that there would be need for a *concealed* song about the Princes in the Tower, since it was about events more than a century old, and it is absurd if the song is more recent than that). If that identity is accepted, though, and if the song is in fact a century older than that date, it makes some sense to assume that this is one of Henry VII Tudor's attempts to blacken the memory of Richard III, whose throne he had usurped in 1485.
>>THE HISTORICAL PROBLEM: THE BLACK LEGEND OF RICHARD III <<
As Ross comments, on p. xi, the story of Richard and the Princes  is a subject on which "William Shakespeare himself took a long look, and we have been living with the dramatic consequences ever since." Sadly, the Bard's was a thoroughly inaccurate look -- consider, e.g., the character of Margaret of Anjou in Shakespeare's "Richard III": She was *dead* by the time Richard III took the throne! -- she had died in 1482 at the age of about 52 (Cunningham, p. 104), broken by the loss of her only son. Oh, and there's that little detail in Shakespeare's "King Henry VI, Part II," in which Richard kills the Duke of Somerset at the first Battle of Saint Albans. Talk about growing up fast -- Richard was two years old at the time.
Perhaps the problem is that, because Richard III was genuinely ahead of his time in several noteworthy ways, the temptation is to see him as a modern man. He was not; he was a man from a brutal time who in some ways rose above it and in some ways, clearly, did not. As Ross comments on p. 228, "No one familiar with the career of King Louis XI of France, in Richard's own time, or Henry VIII of England, in Richard's own country, would wish to cast any special slur on Richard, still less select him as the exemplar of a tyrant."
Or maybe the problem is simply Shakespeare; as Ross declares on p. xi, since that time "considerations of the life and reign of Richard Plantagenet have been largely concerned to rebut [or to confirm!] the historical interpretation on which Shakespeare's great play rested." This has been an immense problem for me in writing what follows; I am sure that much of what follows will sound more pro-Richard than it should, simply because I react so stronly against Shakespeare and the Tudor propaganda.
We have, of course, two questions here: What actually happened in 1483, and whether the events of 1483-1485 are actually related to this song. Unfortunately, we don't really know what happened then -- and I have to give you a long preface to explain why we are so ignorant, and then a long explanation in which I will try to give you the best chance of making your own decision. It may not help. It is very hard to manage neutrality on the subject of Richard III.
Our problem is that the records are distorted and incomplete. The Wars of the Roses caused many chronicles to be destroyed or abandoned (Cheetham, p. 202). The historians who wrote after the death of Richard III, since they had to keep Henry Tudor on his throne, were forced to produce the caricature of Richard III which eventually gave rise to Shakespeare's impossible portrait -- as Fields observes, p. 7, "It was politically correct and sound policy for any historian writing during Henry's reign to blacken Richard's reputation in any way possible." The difficulty is, though the Tudor historians clearly had reason to lie, they are also the only detailed sources for most events of the period; there is no way to separate fact from propaganda. For example, everyone follows Polydore Vergil's account of the Battle of Bosworth, at which Richard III died, because there is no other account extant (Ross, p. 216; Kendall, p. 570; Burne, p. 286, says that it is the least-documented major battle in English history).
Where the Tudor historians are silent, we are often at a loss. Ross, p. 29, gives two examples of this. We do not know the date of Richard III's marriage -- the best guess is some time in 1472, but  the first mention of him as being married is in 1474. We don't even know to the nearest year the date at which his only legitimate son was born; Kendall suggests 1473, Ross prefers 1476! (Cunningham, p. 106, tentatively accepts the latter date; Seward-Richard, p. 67, offers late 1473 or early 1474. Etc.)
The usual effect of this lack of data is to cause students either to accept the Tudor propaganda, and treat Richard as Satan's Spawn -- or to deny everything and end up trying to whitewash him. Instances of the latter are myriad. Horace Walpole, Richard's first great defender, actually tried to claim that Perkin Warbeck -- of whom more below -- was really one of the Princes in the Tower, still alive (Potter, p. 180. Amazingly, Fields, pp, 217-219, seriously discusses the possiblility as well, suggesting that perhaps the boys, or just Richard of York, had been smuggled out of England, probably with Richard's consent, by Sir James Tyrell; he then became "Perkin Warbeck").
If that weren't bad enough, each side has its partisans who, by selective presentation of the evidence, try to  make it look as if everyone on the other side is engaged in a smear campaign (as, e.g., Ross does in a small way on p. 96, listing a series of wacko pro-Richard authors without mentioning more scholarly defenders. Potter is even more extreme in a pro-Richard way, reviling useful sources and blaming everything on the "Tudor Legend."). Or consider Seward's analysis of the death of the Princes in the Tower, whom he is sure Richard murdered. Seward-Richard, pp. 119-120, comments, "During the following reign HenryVII was to dispose of Warwick, the last surviving Plantagenet male... but would use legal murder (after trapping the youth into a technically treasonable plot). It is a measure of Richard's neurotic insecuirty that he could not wait for the Princes to reach a more acceptable age and use the same method." Excuse me? Keeping someone in prison for six years, entrapping him, subjecting him to a kangaroo trial, and then killing him is better than just killing him? I'd rather have it over with, thank you very much.
As Kendall says in his preface (p. 11), "Richard the Third is perhaps the most polemical figure in the reaches of English history.... In the course of this long controversy, Richard's career has usually been approached as stuff from which to create a 'case,' and his character has been treated as a cardboard counter.... The heats of argunment are inimical to the art of biography. In this sense, it can be said that no life of Richard has ever been written." And it can be argued argued that this is still true, for Ross (the next major writer on Richard) disdains Kendall's pro-Richard approach, questions whether it is possible to write a biography of Richard, and as a result declares that what he has written is not a biography (p. xi).
The one thing that seems certain is that Richard was more complicated that Shakespeare's human cancer. On this point, observe that one of the men he executed, Earl Rivers, thought enough of Richard's honesty to name him one of the supervisors of his will, even though the will was written after Rivers was condemned! (Fields, pp. 102-103).
A specific example of how all this proceeds: Ross, pp. 96-97, mentions the common statement that Richard "could not have been convicted of murder in a modern court of law" (Fields, p. 301, is one who believes this: "Richard would be acquitted of the crime by virtually any jury that heard the case. The possibility that no murders were committed, or that if they were, Henry [Tudor] or Buckingham committed them, together with the paucity of admissible evidence against Richard, would almost surely raise a 'reasonable doubt' in the jury's mind; and that , of course, would call for acquittal.") Yet Ross then goes on to list several historians who do "convict" him.  Similarly, Weir, p. 163, remarks, "It has been stated many times.... that there is no proof that Richard III murdered the Princes in the Tower, and very little likelihood that the full facts.... will ever be known." She goes on to state, correctly, that historians can only try to learn as much as possible from such facts as we have. Her response to this, however, is not to become more cautious about the difference between fact and speculation; it is to lower her standard of accuracy!
Both responses ignore the point: Richard very likely was guilty of conspiracy to commit murder -- but the charge in fact could not even be brought because it cannot be proved that the princes were murdered! If a prosecutor tried to charge Richard, any competent judge would throw the case out once the defence brought a habeas corpus writ.
The Tudors still influence on historians: The Tudor era is often held up as a great era -- e.g. Williamson, pp. 22-23, waxes enthusiastic about their trade policies. Yet Gillingham, p. 11, claims that national income declined steadily during the reigns of Henry VII, Henry VIII, and Henry VIII's children. Russell gives detailed information on this point. On p. 5, he notes the steady inflation "which began about 1510 and continued, at rapid but varying speeds, at least until 1620." Some of this was due to gold and silver from the new world -- in a gold-based market, an increase in gold without a corresponding increase in production would cause inflation. But most of that gold ended up in Spain, not England; the increase in prices exceeded the increase in specie (the overall inflation over this period, according to Russell, p. 7, was on the order of fivefold, and on p. 10 he gives strong reasons why the increase in precious metals cannot be the primary explanation for the inflation). Russell's conclusion, on p. 11, is that the price rise was caused by increasing population, which put pressure on food supplies.
The only cure for this was agricultural improvements. But improvements are only possible where there is available capital to generate it. (Look at what happened to poor Ireland in the early 1800s. Indeed, the situation in Tudor England which Russell describes on p. 13 sounds exactly like Ireland.) It was clearly Tudor economic policies (high taxes, restrictions on movement of information and, indirectly, products, and, later, a debased currency), not those of the Plantagenets (including Richard III) which brought a permanent recession. Even Henry's policy of free trade, usually praised by economists, brought little benefit to England, because it had nothing to export except wool and a little Cornish tin, and it was already shipping as much wool as it could (Russell, pp. 23-24), and Henry actually increased the export duties on tin (Russell, p. 36).
(Please note: It will probably be evident that I strongly dislike Henry Tudor. This is not to imply that he was entirely incompetent. He was probably the best financial manager ever to hold the English throne -- it is genuinely unfortunate he could not have been placed in charge of the exchequer under other kings. What I object to are his despotism and his money-grubbing -- his tight-fistedness, for instance, kept England away from world exploration for many years. The Tudor monarchy did bring good things -- would England have turned Protestant without Henry VIII? And would there have been a counter-Reformation had he not turned Protestant? Who can say -- But the Tudors produced probably the worst reign of terror in England since Norman times. And I simply can't respect a monarch who insisted on the title "Your Majesty," rather than "Your Grace," the address used by his predecessors; Morris, p. 32.)
Mattingly, p. 25, sums up the Tudors, and their situation, about as well as can be said, I think: "Probably Henry admitted to himself that there was too much doubtful blood in his dynasty. The grandson of Owen Tudor, clerk of the Queen's wardrobe and heir to no more than a rocky mountainside and a few goats, could never have come to the English throne had not the Wars of the Roses almost extinguished the Plantagenet stock. Henry's own mother, Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond, gave the King his only drop of royal blood, and though she had descended from John of Gaunt... Margaret Beaufort's grandfather had the misfortune to be born on the wrong side of the blanket. Like so many of the Italian tyrants, whom they resembled in other ways, the Tudors sprang from bastard stock; and Henry VII knew that, though he had married the daughter of Edward IV to help set things right for his children, his own best claim to the throne was that he had won it by the sword and held it against all comers."
One thing I find fascinating is that the two worst Richard-haters of recent years, Seward and Weir, both base their opinions on the history of Richard III written by Thomas More. Yet this is a secondary source riddled with patent errors, as we shall see below. To take it as a primary source, as Seward and Weir do, is to come at history having already decided what happened.
Cheetham, p. 202, makes the point that, to most historians, "the King's guilt or innocence in the murder of the Princes is an acceptable yardstick whereby we can judge everything else he did." This is fallacious. In a murderous age, the judgment on Richard III would be based on how well he reigned -- and that would govern how people saw his treatment of the princes, not vice versa. We must look at him by the standards of the situation, not by our own: Was he better than those around him, or worse?
Having said all that as prelude, let me confess to being pro-Richard -- but also pro-truth. I truly do not know whether Richard III was a conniving schemer such as Seward portrays, or a near-saint such as we find in Kendall, though my very strong suspicion is that the truth lies in between -- probably slightly closer to Kendall, since the anti-Richard historians seem unable to distinguish their own opinions from documented facts. Unlike most authors cited here, I think our goal must be to "speak the dead" (to steal an idea from Orson Scott Card): To try to look both at who Richard was and why he did what he did. This rarely presents a simple picture, and to try to make it simple is an absolute failure. Seward would call me a portrayer of the "grey legend" -- the only version of history which treats Richard as an actual human being. I freely plead guilty.
I have tried to take all this into account in my citation patterns (though I can do this only imperfectly,because of the order I consulted the sources). For points in Richard's favor, I have cited the virulently anti-Richard Seward or Weir on the rare occasions they actually say anything useful. Since that is truly rare, I will usually end up citing the anti-Richard but sane Ross and Hicks if possible, the more neutral Jenkins or Cheatham or Cunningham if not, the pro-Richard Fields and Kendall if I must, and the extremely pro-Richard Potter as a very last resort. For anti-Richard material, I have tried to take things in the reverse order: Kendall's admission that Richard probably killed the Princes in the Tower is more meaningful than Cheatham's and Jenkins's concurrence, which means more than Cunningham's opinion on this point, which in turn is more important than the fact that Ross thinks Richard was responsible, which is more meaningful than the fact that Hicks thinks so, which in turn has more evidenciary value than the irrational opinions of Seward and Weir.
As for the approach I take in what follows -- give that we *know* the Tudor historians are biased, it seems to me that we have to start with the little that we know from earlier sources. To summarize in advance: We know, to his extreme discredit, that Richard III executed several men (Lord Hastings, Earl Rivers) very abruptly and probably without trial (though Fields, p. 101, thinks that Rivers at least *did* have a trial. Seward-Richard, pp. 108-109, claims there was a trial but it had no validity). We know that he disinherited his brother's son Edward V, though he claimed legal justification. On the other hand, we know that he passed good legislation, and that he was the chief prop of his brother's throne from the age of 18 until the year Edward IV died.
>> THE HISTORICAL SOURCES <<
To understand how difficult it is to get to the root of the problem, we must look at our primary sources. (As Ross says on p. xxi, "The sheer power and endurance of the Tudor tradition, especially when consecrated by Shakespeare, makes a sober assessment of its historical value an essential pre-requisite for any consideration of the 'true' Richard.") We have a number of chronicles, letters, government documents, and passing comments, but only a few substantial narratives of the period -- and, really, only two substantial sources who were in England and near the center of things at the time of the key events: Mancini and the Croyland Chronicler. The following list describes our most important sources:
* Dominic Mancini. Although contemporary, this document was unknown to early historians; it was not noticed until 1936, when it was found in France (Ross, p. xli). Mancini, an Italian in the employ of various French officials, went to England in 1482, and stayed there until July 1483; he wrote his account later in 1483 while the information was still very fresh in his mind. His document was actually prepared as a briefing for his superiors, so he was trying to give honest information and did not engage in rhetorical tricks to try to convey an impression.
There are nonetheless several problems with Mancini. The greatest one is that he apparently was not fluent in English (Ross, p. xlii). He had to rely on secondhand information, which could sometimes be distorted. Also, it seems to me he had a slightly anti-English attitude. He is often very critical of Richard III -- but some of this may be because Richard was the dominant player of the period he was covering. Still, he has proved crucial to our understanding of the period, because, as Ross notes, p. xliii, his narrative makes it clear that Richard had enemies from the start. St. Aubyn says, p. 65, "The defects of Mancini's History... are principally those of omission. His account seldom looks beyond London.... his knowledge of English geography was inclined to be hazy and his understanding of the British Constitution preserved its mysteries intact. Throughout the whole of his History he only supplies one date, and that he gets two days wrong." Still, given his lack of personal prejudice, he is a vital source for the period he covers. 
* The Croyland Chronicler. In terms of inside information, clearly our best source -- we don't know who he was (many names have been mentioned, including most notably Bishop John Russell, Richard's Chancellor), but we can be certain he was a member of Edward IV's government.
In April 1486, this unknown man (he says very little about himself except that he was a doctor of canon law and a diplomat during the reign of Edward IV) went to Croyland monastery and, over the space of several days, dictated his view of events from 1459 to 1486 (Dockray, pp. xiv-xv). These were added to the earlier sections of the chronicle kept at Croyland, so the 1486 text is technically known as the "Second Continuation of the Croyland Chronicle." But it is a much more important document than the other sections in the Croyland Chronicle.
One mystery about his work, is that it is far less detailed about Richard III's reign than Edward IV's. This is the strongest single argument against Bishop Russell's authorship: Why would Russell know less about Richard's reign, in which he stood very high in the government, than about Edward's, where he stood lower? (Dockray, p. xv, also notes that Croyland's style differs markedly from Russell's own work elsewhere.) Kendall, p. 512, suggests that there are actually two authors involved, which would explain much: Russell dictated the first part, but halted or ran out of time before he had time to describe Richard's reign, and his amanuensis padded out the account based on brief comments by Russell or simply on the information he knew from outside the government. This hypothesis is possible but does not seem to have commended itself to historians.
Croyland is thus contemporary (though dictating from memory rather than documents) and very close to the center of things. Ross, p. xliii declares Croyland "the single most important source for the reign as a whole" (Ross, p. xliii). But he can be infuriatingly vague -- although anonymous, had a Tudor investigator at the time really wanted to know who he was, said investigator surely could have found out. So Croyland clearly covered his tracks on some points (Ross, p. xlv, says "he is a cautious and politic author who... unfortunately does not always choose to tell all he knows. His judgements were often elliptically phrased and sometimes appear intentionally inscrutable"). On certain points, such as the fate of the princes, he preferred to quote gossip or hearsay evidence rather than state something definitive. Despite his likely connection with the court, his chronicle is, as Ross says on p. xliv, "distinctly hostile" to Richard. Ross on p. xlvi lists several places where Croyland plays up evidence of "deceit and dissimulation which marked Gloucester's conduct." He also had a very strong dislike of Northerners -- Richard's strongest supporters (Fields, p. 14).
There may also be a few corruptions in the text. The original has been ruined by fire, and we must rely on transcripts (Fields, p. 11). In sum, there are reasons to question particular statements from Croyland, but in general it deserves much respect.
* John Rous (or Rows) was contemporary but far from reliable. As Ross says on p. xxi, "According to Rous, Richard was an Antichrist," a claim which Rous supported by saying Richard was born under Scorpio "and like a scorpion displayed a smooth front and a vicious swinging tail" -- but, even if you believe the astrological nonsense, Ross points out that Richard in fact was born under Libra!
Cheetham, p. 198, gives a brilliant example of Rous's Tudorization of history (cited also by Ross, pp. xxi-xxii): In the reign of Richard III, Rous penned a book which calls that king "an especial good lord... in his realm fully commendably punishing offenders of the laws, especially oppresors of the Commons, and cherishing those that were virtuous." (Note that Rous's patrons were not the Commons but the nobles -- his book was about the earls of Warwick -- so praising Richard for supporting the commons was not something to win him points. This is an argument, though rather a weak one, that Richard really *did* try to protect the Commons -- i.e. the vast majority of people.)
After Henry Tudor took over, Rous wrote an edition which he dedicated to Henry, and came forth with the statement that Richard was two years in his mother's womb, born with teeth and hair to (or perhaps growing from) his shoulders. (Ross, p. 139, notes the interesting fact that not even Rous calls him a hunchback; there seems no contemporary evidence for this at all.). Since Rous's claim is physically impossible, I submit, it tells us nothing about Richard; it tells us only that John Rous was a suck-up (Fields, p. 8, flatly calls him a hypocrite) -- but his statements have actually been repeated by historians who claim to have been serious.
Rous seems also to have been the earliest source for the claim that Richard poisoned his wife (Rubin, p. 315; Cunningham, p. 98).
St. Aubyn actually believes Rous's waste of good paper to have "some value," but admits (p. 68) that Rous's work "appears to be based on two assumptions: that Warwick is the centre of the universe, and that the principal purpose of writing history is to please patrons."
* Philip(pe) de Commynes, or Commines. A Burgundian civil servant, diplomat, and historian. Starting around 1489, he compiled a memoir of his experiences. He knew most of the major figures of the period, including Edward IV and most major French lords (he worked for Louis XI, according to Dockray, p.xix), giving his account significant value, but as Dockray says on p. xx, "He had no first-hand knowledge of events in England; often he acquired information from others and drew on rumours circulating at the French court; and, when he finally set pen to paper, he had to rely a great deal on his own (perhaps defective) memory." Kendall, p. 498, suggests that he had most of his information from Henry Tudor's court in exile, and accuses him of contributing to the Tudor legend. The former is likely true, but the latter I think unfair. Commynes paints an unflattering picture of Richard, but, unlike (say) Rous, he wasn't trying to flatter any Englishman; he was trying to justify himself. What he says about Richard is often ill-informed, but we can assume that he is generally telling the truth as it was told to him. And, since his work was not published until 1524, it had no effect on More or Vergil, though it influenced Hall (and hence Shakespeare)
* A fifth near-contemporary source, dealing only with the final event of Richard III's reign, is "The Ballad of Bosworth Field," cited by Ross and found in the Percy manuscript, but rarely used by other authors. Child mentions it in his notes to "The Rose of England" [Child 166] but does not deign to print it. Its value is debated; few but Ross seem to think it an important source (though, since it praises Sir William Stanley, Ross argues -- rightly I think -- that the original is from before 1495). Sadly, it has clearly been damaged in transmission; the names in the surviving copy are often much muddled. It seems intended to glority the Stanleys -- who certainly didn't deserve the praise.
It is unfortunate that the "Ballad" is not more often reprinted; while awfully long to be sung (164 four-line stanzas), it has some genuinely fascinating touches, such as a speech by Henry Tudor:
Into England I am entred heare,
my heritage is this Land within;
they shall me boldlye bring & beare,
& loose my liffe, but I[']le be King.
Iesus that dyed on good ffryday,
& Marry mild thats ffull of might
send me the loue of Lord Stanley!
he marryed my mother, a Lady bright.
On the whole, I agree with Ross that the "Ballad" should get more respect than it does; Ross notes that, insofar as it can be tested, it is accurate. The one major error in is it the claim that Richard had 40,000 men at Bosworth, which is impossible -- but such exaggerations are commonplace in records of the era.
Somehow related to the "Ballad' is "Lady Bessy" or "The Song of the Lady Bessy," which Child mentions alongside "Bosworth Field" in his notes on "The Rose of England." Child correctly calls "Lady Bessy" a more interesting piece, telling of how Elizabeth of York, Henry Tudor's future wife, calls upon Lord Stanley to bring Henry Tudor to the throne and helps weave together a conspiracy. The earliest copy dates from the reign of Elizabeth, and there is another copy in the Percy manuscript. Child thinks "Lady Bessy near-contemporary -- but there is the curiosity that it shares verses with "Bosworth Field." One, therefore, must predate the other, and "Bosworth Field" looks older to me. My personal guess is that "Lady Bessy" was written in the time of Elizabeth I to glorify her grandmother and namesake, Elizabeth of York. This would explain much -- e.g., why the ballad describes Elizabeth of York reaching out to Henry Tudor. Why, if she is so independent, would she allow herself to be effectively enslaved by such a man? It is easy to imagine Elizabeth working to overthrow Richard III -- but why not take charge in her own right, with a compliant husband and one who might also have a stronger claim to the throne? Weir seems to be the only source to take "Lady Bessy" at all seriously.
The fact that this list is so short is why so many scholars continue to trust in the Tudor historians:
* Polydore Vergil. Although he worked in the Tudor court, Vergil had no direct experience of what he was writing about. He was an Italian who came to England in 1502 (Ross, p. xxiii). Henry VII some years later asked him to write a sort of official history of England. Vergil's book went back to Roman times (Vergil apparently made himself unpopular by questioning the existence of King Arthur; St. Aubyn, p. 69), but it is most important for the Yorkist and Tudor periods, since that was the only era for which he could consult any significant sources we don't have now.
Vergil began writing probably in the period 1505-1507 (Fields, p. 14, supports the earlier date, Dockray, p. xx, says "not later than" the latter; either way, contrary to St. Aubyn, p. 68, Vergil could hardly have consulted Elizabeth of York, who was at least two years dead). The work was completed in 1517 (Fields, p. 14) but not published for another decade and a half. Ross says of Vergil, rightly, that he "was no official hack. Equally, he could not afford to be wholly detached and impartial. He has been seen in the posture of 'a modern historian of repute who undertakes to write the history of a large business firm.'" He probably tried to get good information (Dockray, p. xx, says that his handling of sources was "remarkably scholarly and sophisticated by early sixteenth-century standards"), but he inevitably talked mostly to pro-Tudor people and was exposed to (and transmitted) pro-Tudor interpretations. Unlike More, he would not fabricate -- but because of his lack of sources, uncorroborated statements of his cannot be trusted absolutely. Ross, pp. xxiv-xxv, describes him as clearly attempting to make Richard look bad -- but subtly, with careful psychological digs. (Ironic that Ross has a tendency to do this himself.)
* Thomas More. More is probably the most controversial of all the sources for the reign of Richard III, because of course he came to be famous for his integrity in the reign of Henry VIII -- and because he was by far the best stylist of any of our sources. And yet, Ross says, "Despite its author's great reputation, and the justified celebrity and wide influence of the work itself, Sir Thomas More's _History of King Richard III_ deserves less serious consideration as a source of information for Richard's life and reign than does Polydore's _Historia_.... [I]t has long and with some justice been questioned whether More was seriously writing history in the modern as opposed to the classical sense of the word (i.e. drama)." Ross, p. xxvii and following, goes on to describe More's invented details and invented speeches. Even St. Aubyn, who does not seem to realize the degree to which he has followed More, admits on p. 69 that this "most influential of early histories of Richard was also the least reliable." St. Aubyn goes on to echo Ross: "More never intended his book as _history_ in the modern sense of the term." Dockray, p. xxi, adds that he had no first-hand knowledge of the period (he was born in 1478, and so was only five years old when the Princes vanished, and seven with Richard III died).
It is true that More studied under John Morton, Bishop of Ely (Fields, p. 16), who knew Richard -- and who was a prime move of events in the 1480s. St. Aubyn, p. 71, also mentions that the Earl of Surrey, who fought for Richard at Bosworth, was More's patron. But few believe Surrey had any part in the thing, and Morton worked hard to overthrow Richard even before Richard's usurpation really took shape; even such parts of More's history that came from Morton were probably wildly distorted, and the rest seems to be completely un-researched. A notable feature of More is the lack of accuracy even on matters of simple fact -- e.g. his book was off by a dozen years on Edward IV's age, and it didn't know the name of the woman with whom Edward IV precontracted for marriage. The list could be vastly multiplied.
There are many curiosities about the work, such as the fact that it simply halts around the time of Buckingham's rebellion (Ross, p. xxvii). In all likelihood More abandoned it half-finished; it was found among his papers after his execution (Fields, p. 15). It was not published until 1543, and that in corrupt form; the first proper edition was in 1557 (Kendall, p. 499). It appears More began his work (which exists in slightly different English and Latin versions) in some time in the period 1513-1516.
Some have speculated that More abandoned his history because he came to realize that it was largely false. This frankly strikes me as unlikely -- he would not have come so far in preparing editions in two different languages if that were the reason. Probably he realized that it would not suit his purpose. As St. Aubyn, p. 70, remarks, "His 'History' shares much in common with medieval morality plays, in which fidelity to fact is scarcely relevant." My guess (following this idea and a hint on p. 500 of Kendall) is that More was trying to construct a guideline for what kings *should not* do, and stopped when he realized that the history was so far-out that no one (except crackpots like Seward and Weir) could take such a thing seriously ("There is no surer way to misinterpret More than to overlook his ever present irony and to accept literally what he intended as a joke," St. Aubyn says on p. 70).
Despite his originality and his undeniable personal integrity, it should also be remembered that More was not particularly honest or fair in his scholarly writings; Scarisbrick, p. 111, refers to the "mere assertion and jeering that is to be found in so many anti-Protestant works by Catholics, especially those of More." It is hard to understand why More is considered a significant reference -- except that it is the most anti-Richard of all the early sources.
* Edward Hall. Weir seems to like Hall a lot. But Ross, p. xxii, calls him simply the "principal plagairizer" of Vergil and More. Ross, p. xxxi, observes that Hall, who wrote in 1548, was a late source *and* writing to flatter the Tudors. What little good material there is in Hall comes from Polydore Vergil; much of the rest comes out of his head and is clearly designed to make Richard look bad (Ross, pp. xxxii-xxxiii, gives examples, including once case where Hall produces a flat-out falsehood to make his case). Hall was a primary source for Holinshed, who in turn supplied much material to Shakespeare (Fields, p. 19) -- but that doesn't make him any more accurate.
For the most part, Hall's peculiar material (I use the term in the technical sense of "things not found elsewhere") must be considered highly suspect, though he does seem to have gathered a certain amount of folklore. He is, for instance, the earliest printed source of the warning to the Duke of Norfolk before the Battle of Bosworth, which he quotes as "Jack of Norfolk be not so bold, For Dickon thy master is bought and sold" (in a curious note, Shakespeare's version of this, which begins "Jockey of Norfolk" rather than "Jack of Norfolk," is written on what is apparently the only painting of Norfolk. Ross, p. 141, and Jenkins, in reproducing the photo in a plate facing p. 112, say that the painting is probably from the sixteenth century -- meaning that it is not contemporary with Norfolk but probably predates Shakespeare. Might it be taken from an earlier painting? There is much that is curious about this painting -- the title at the top refers to the "Duke of Norfolke," but the text of the "Jockey" rhyme spells it "norfolk" -- no "e" and no initial capital, though it uses capitals for "Jockey" and "Dickon." It is also spaced strangely. I suspect the text of the rhyme may be a later addition).
It will be oberved that these sources range from the not-really-biased-but-unfriendly-to-Richard (Mancini, Commynes) to the clearly hostile (Croyland, Vergil) to the outright propagandistic (More, Hall). We have nothing telling us Richard's side -- and, as Ross notes on p. xlviii, nothing from the north of England, where Richard was best known. All Richard's positions may have been as openly specious as the claim that Elizabeth Woodville used witchcraft to lure Edward IV into marriage. But we do not know his reasons for his actions, and so we must be very careful not to fall into the trap of listening to the extremist sources when we don't know the other side.
Having said all that, let's get down to the actual issues.
>> THE BACKGROUND: THE WARS OF THE ROSES<<
For a more detailed sketch of the history I am outlining here, see the notes to "King Henry Fifth's Conquest of France" [Child 164]. The story really begins more than a century before the Princes in the Tower, with King Richard II (reigned 1377-1399). Richard II was the grandson of King Edward III, who had started the Hundred Years War with France and won the great battle of Crecy in 1346; Richard II's father was Edward "the Black Prince" who had beaten the French at Poitiers in 1355. But the Black Prince had picked up some sort of disease in his travels, and died in 1376, a year before his father (Seward-Hundred, pp. 112-113). Little Richard II came to the throne as a 10-year-old surrounded by unprincipled uncles (Harvey, p. 152). Culturally, it was a great era -- the period of Chaucer, Langland, and the Gawain-poet (Harvey, p. 146) -- but politically it was difficult; the war with France, begun by Edward III, was going badly due to lack of money, and the king's uncles and many of the nobles thought that they had a quick fix to turn the war around. (Highly unlikely, but that's the way nobles thought in those days.)
Richard II did not gain power until 1387 (Seward-Hundred, p. 137), and when he finally took charge, it produced a rebellion by the nobles he had displaced. Richard managed to survive that, but in 1397 he took steps to stamp out the last survivors of the rebellion. Having done so, he tried to rule as an absolute despot (Harvey, p. 149, says that he insisted "upon the sacred and indissoluble nature of the regality conferred on him by his consecration"). In 1399, one of the men he had exiled, Henry of Bolingbroke, the Duke of Lancaster (hence the name "Lancaster" for his house, even though Henry, like Richard, was of the Plantagenet family) returned to England, deposed Richard II, and had himself crowned as Henry IV (Harvey, p. 160; Seward-Hundred, p. 142). Richard died, probably murdered, the next year.
Henry IV was a member of the royal family, and Richard II's closest relative in the male line, but not the true heir of Edward III or of Richard II. That distinction went to certain young members of the Mortimer family, descendents of Edward III's second son Lionel of Clarence by a female line (for their complicated ancestry, see Harvey, p. 192). Richard II had been the only surviving child of the Black Prince, Edward III's oldest son; Henry IV was the son of Edward III's third son John of Gaunt, and thus behind the Mortimers in the line of succession.
The Mortimer claim generally sat quiet for half a century, though there was one attempt to assert it in 1403 and another in 1413. But Henry IV was able to survive the attempts to overthrow him, though only barely. And his son Henry V (who came to the throne in 1413) had conquered much of France and been declared the heir to the French throne; no one wanted to depose him! Then Henry V died in 1422, at the age of 35 (Seward-Hundred, p. 188), and his heir was his son Henry VI, not yet a year old.
Before Henry VI reached the age of thirty, the English had been thrown out of France, and England was in chaos. As for Henry VI himself, he was a weakling even after he attained his majority, and in 1453 he had a nervous breakdown (Gillingham, p. 75. Harvey, p. 188, notes that his body was found to have a "rather small skull," whatever that tells us).
Henry's government also ran the royal finances into the ground, making it impossible to conduct the war against France or do much of anything else (Ross-Wars, p. 26, says that the debt in 1450 was 372,000 pounds, up more than 200,000 pounds from 1733, and the annual revenue no more than 33,000 pounds. Seward-Roses, p. 5, gives even more dire numbers: Henry's government by the end had income of only 24,000 pounds per year, and debts of 400,000; the royal income barely covered household expenses, with nothing left over to service the debt or provide government. Jenkins, pp. 8-9, notes how various nobles had taken over most of the government's sources of revenue, leaving Henry VI with far less than his predecessors). The Duke of York -- who was also the inheritor of the Mortimer claim to the throne -- ended up having to self-finance the war in France and his government in Ireland, something no ordinary man could possibly afford to do.
England is sometimes described as being in chaos in this period. This is exaggerated. Fighting was rare, and armies small; Gillingham, pp. 22-24, notes that the nobles were making no real attempt to fortify their lands, and quotes Commynes to the effect that England was the best-governed of the many nations he had visited (pp. 15-16, 24).
But the monarchy was non-functional. There was no question but that the government had to change: Either Henry VI had to go, or someone competent had to take charge for him. But the feeble-minded Henry had no skill to choose a minister to do what he himself could not do, and his wife Margaret of Anjou was absolutely unwilling to listen to sense (Rubin, pp. 232-233, attempts to defend Margaret. But it's an impossible task. Yes, Margaret was a strong leader, but she was not emotionally fit -- she played favorites and gave no attention whatsoever to the needs of the country. She forced nobles to be part of the court faction or the anti-court faction -- and then forced the anti-court faction into revolt).
Nor were there any immediate relatives to help out; Henry VI had no brothers, and one of his three uncles had died before Henry V, and the other two were both dead by 1447, all without issue -- Henry IV, amazingly, had had four sons, but only one grandson, Henry VI (Perroy, p. 335). Henry IV had had some half-brothers, the Beauforts, and there were quite a few of them left (including the Earl of Somerset and his heirs), but though Margaret of Anjou liked them a lot, they were neither particularly competent nor particularly popular. Their main claim to fame was that Henry Tudor was descended from them, but the future Henry VII hadn't even been born when the Wars started.
I won't bore you with the details of the first round of the civil war which began in 1455 (there are plenty of books on the subject, plus some brief notes in the entry on "The Rose of England" [Child 166]), but the final outcome was this: In 1461, Edward Plantagenet, who had become Duke of York when his father was killed in 1460 and who was the Mortimer heir (and hence the rightful king of England) as well as a descendent of Edward III's fourth son Edmund of Langley, was able to crown himself King Edward IV. He then won the battle of Towton, by far the largest battle of the Wars of the Roses, making him the master of almost all of England (Seward-Roses, p. 6).
Edward had to deal with some conspiracies in his reign, and at one time was even deposed in favor of the restored Henry VI (Gillingham, pp. 179-188; Harvey, p. 206), but he managed to crush all the rebellions by 1471 -- greatly helped in the final battles by his youngest brother, Richard of Gloucester.
The key battle of the 1471 civil war was the Battle of Barnet. Here we come to another of our conflicts in interpreting the evidence. Kendall, pp. 108-114, makes Richard the hero of that battle, saving Edward IV's right wing. This draws extreme criticism from Ross (pp. 21-22), who essentially accuses Kendall of fabricating the story -- yet to substantiate his claim Ross compresses six pages of Kendall's book down to seven lines of type. It is undeniable that Kendall's account is overly dramatic and detailed. But in essence it is the same as Burne, p. 257fff. The only differences between Kendall and Burne concern commanders at different parts of the front, and in fact Kendall's reconstruction is more reasonable at this point than Burne (Burne has the Earl of Warwick commanding the Lancastrian army from the left flank, whereas Kendall has him command the reserve, in the center of the army, and send it to the left flank). And Burne, p. 277 calls Richard "[the] hero of Barnet."
Even more ironic, Ross-Wars, p. 123, prints a map of Barnet which is without question directly derived from Kendall's of twenty years earlier.
Cheatham does not have a map of the battle, but his description of Barnet (pp. 70-71) is closest to Kendall though it does not give quite as much credit to Richard. Seward-Roses, p. 180, also gives an account much like Kendall's though he downplays the role of Richard; Seward-Richard, p. 51, questions whether Richard had actual command of the right wing, but names no alternate commander and agrees with Kendall's description of the battle.
The second battle of the conflict of 1471 was the Battle of Tewkesbury; here again Richard had command of a third of the army, so clearly Edward IV liked his performance at Barnet. And, again, Richard seems to have performed well (Young/Adair, p. 91; on page 92, they describe his performance as giving Edward "invaluable support").
It seems likely that Kendall and the others are mostly right in his praise of Richard here. Even his worst detractors regarded Richard as a great soldier -- see Seward-Roses, p. 257, who gathers the evidence of the Tudor historians on this point. Keegan/Wheatcroft, p. 262-263, declare that "Whatever the black legend of the Tudors may say of the character of Richard III, it does nothing to conceal his skills as a soldier.... Had Richard had the chance to display his military talents on a wider, European field, his miltary reputation would stand much higher." The Italian Mancini says that he was the chief prop of Edward's throne in the 1480s: "such was his renown that any difficult or dangerous task necessary for the safety of the realm was entrusted to his direction and generalship" (Fields, p. 60).
To be sure, Ross-Wars, p. 128, thinks Richard's military reputation inflated. He points out, correctly enough, that Richard's record consists of command of a wing at Barnet and Tewkesbury, control of an invasion of Scotland, and the lost battle of Bosworth. But Ross's own account reveals the relative insignificance of strategic planning at this stage. What counted was speed, good logistics, and tactical control of one's forces. Richard consistently demonstrated the first, showed the second in the invasion of Scotland, and clearly displayed the third at Barnet. The single best argument for his ability is the fact that Edward IV -- the only undefeated general of the Wars -- consistently gave Richard extremely senior posts.
In the aftermath of Tewkesbury, Seward-Richard, p. 54, says that Richard "first sent men to execution without mercy" and accuses him of "his first murder." The first is technically true but extremely misleading. Richard was constable of England, and conducted trials of the leading survivors of the battle -- very quick trials. And they did result in executions (Young/Adair, p. 92, who note that the result was"inevitable"). However, the chief victim of the trials was the Duke of Somerset. Somerset was unquestionably guilty of treason; he had commanded at Tewkesbury and had been a senior officer at Barnet. The penalty for treason was of course death. It is true that the traitors were executed very hastily -- but they had been taken in battle, so they certainly should have arranged their affairs earlier!
There is an illustration of the execution of Somerset in an early French translation of the  _Arrival of Edward IV_ [a chronicle of Edward's return from exile]. Ross-Wars, p. 120, reproduces it. In the foreground, looking on carefully, is a man wearing a crown, whose shield bears the quartered arms of England and France -- the tokens of the English King. It is clearly supposed to be Edward IV. There can be little doubt that contemporaries thought Edward, not Richard, responsible for the execution.
Some have argued that the capture of Somerset and his men was a violation of the right of sanctuary; they were taken from a church in Tewkesbury. This has caused much debate over the years about whether that particular building had the right of sanctuary (Seward-Richard, p. 54; Kendall, p. 529). But even if it was a true violation, the decision was Edward IV's, not Richard's.
Seward-Richard, p. 55, accuses Richard of murdering Edward, the Lancastrian Prince of Wales. Kendall, pp. 528-529, cites *seven* contemporary sources as saying Edward died on the field at Tewkesbury -- and quotes them to prove it. Seward brushes this off as "very few" sources and says that, since they aren't specific, we are still entitled to think Richard killed the prince. Dockray, p. 83, is wishy-washy but says "although there is considerable disagreement in the sources, the balance of likelihood  is that Prince Edward of Lancaster was killed during the action." And Ross, p. 22, says unequivocally that "No shred of blame can fall on Richard for Prince Edward's fate." Burne, p. 283, agrees that Edward died in the battle. We can give Seward this much: Had Edward been captured, he would surely have been executed (indeed, this seems to be what the _Arrival of Edward IV_  says happened: Edward "was taken, fleeing toward the town, and slain in the field"; Dockray, p. 92). But even that is not murder, given that Edward was old enough to fight.
Seward-Richard, pp. 56-57, and Weir, pp. 27-28, are  on slightly firmer ground in accusing Richard of the murder of Henry VI. Thomas More said he did it, the equally unreliable Rous says Richard *might* have taken part, as does Commynes, and a London chronicle reports Henry "was slain, as it was said, by the Duke of Gloucester" (Dockray, p. 91; note the slightly uncertain language). Warkworth makes the more ambiguous statement that Richard was in the Tower when Henry VI died (Dockray, p. 86). The argument loses some force, though, when one notes that Warkworth says "many others" were there also. Plus Polydore Vergil says Richard killed Henry with a sword (Weir, p. 28), while Seward-Richard, p. 57, says that the dagger so used was venerated in Reading Abbey in 1534. Yet a 1910 medical examination of Henry's corpse found he had been beaten about the head. This is at best peculiar -- Henry VI was an imbecile, so why beat him before killing him? One has to suspect the blows to the head were the cause of death.
Ross, p. 22 concludes, "An element of suspicion regarding his involvement in the death of Henry VI perhaps remains.... At most, however, he may have been the agent, not the director of King Henry's murder, since, as Gairdner pointed out long ago, the decision to murder another king could only have been made by [Edward IV] personally." The Milanese ambassador, in fact, says explicitly that Edward IV decided to get rid of Henry (Dockray, p. 94), though the ambassador's statement is weakened by the fact that he though Margaret of Anjou had also been executed. Even Weir, p. 28, admits Edward's ultimate responsibility. Kendall, p. 121, seems to think Richard brought the order but took no part in the execution. Harvey, p. 188, claims that Richard was "away" at the time. Dockray, p. 82, tells us of the unlikely scene of a meeting between Edward IV and Henry VI before Bosworth, which implies that Edward was trying to decide what to do. On p. 83, Dockray declares, "The official version of this even in the _Arrival_ -- that [Henry] died 'of pure displeasure and melancholy' -- can surely be discounted, while any role... Richard of Gloucester may have had in the hapless Henry's demise is far from clear: Edward IV _himself_, in all probability, was responsible for ordering... the death of the last Lancastrian king."
But while he was likely innocent in fact, the various chronicles prove that at least some people *thought* Richard had killed Henry, which from a public relations standpoint was just as bad as having actually done it.
Seward-Richard, p. 58, also accuses Richard of murdering the Bastard of Fauconberg, though he admits no one knows how Fauconberg -- who led an army which attacked London around the time of Tewkesbury but then surrendered -- died. Not even Weir supports this allegation; Gillingham, who devotes pp. 208-213 to Fauconberg's fight, says on p. 13 that Edward IV had him beheaded and his head placed on London Bridge; he suspects that Fauconberg went back on his pardon. Kendall, p. 121, says much the same. Ross simply ignores the Bastard's execution, which implies that he does not think Richard had any role in it. What is certain is that Fauconberg was a Neville (the illegitimate half-brother of the Earl of Warwick), and it is reasonable to assume he backed his family's cause even when it was lost. (Perhaps he went north to try to gather troops?)
After Barnet and Tewksbury, Edward IV's future seemed secure. In strict line of blood, the next heir of Henry VI if one reckons ancestry from John of Gaunt was King John II of Portugal, a descendent of King Henry IV by his second wife (Ross-Wars, p. 93), but he was foreign (which often debarred a succession), and his claim was in female line. The closest thing to a Lancastrian heir among men born in England was the young Henry Tudor, who sprang from the Beaufort family -- i.e. he was a descendent of John of Gaunt by his third wife (Henry IV had been the son of John's first wife) -- but the Beaufort children, as the children of the liason with Katherine Swynford came to be named, had been born before John of Gaunt had married their mother. Henry IV, although partially legitimizing them, had explicitly barred them from the succession (Kendall, p. 185).
This disbarment is another touchy point. Jenkins, p. 14, notes that the Beauforts had been explicitly legitimized by Richard II, with no stated restrictions on their rights to the succession, and that this was done by act of parliament. Henry IV had modified this by letters patent, which could not override an act of parliament (cf. Williamson, p. 15).
But there are two points here. First, people clearly did doubt the Beaufort claim (Ross-Wars, p. 93), which makes the actual law almost irrelevant. Second,the King *could* regulate the succession -- as late as the reign of Anne, it was generally accepted that her heir would be whoever she said should take the throne. The succession law had been repeatedly fiddled with prior to the time of Richard III, notably in the reigns of Henry I, Stephen, Henry II, John, and Henry IV himself. So Henry did have the right to say that legitimized children could not succeed, and (it seems to me) only an express act of parliament could override this clarification. And it was a clarification Richard II had not had to worry about; he still hoped for an heir at the time of his death, and in any case he had at least eight heirs senior to the Beauforts even if they were fully legitimized. He surely had no thought that they might succeed him, so they were not something he had to think about. They *were* a concern to Henry IV and his heirs, since they were Henry's closest relatives except for his sons. Despite the claim by Jenkins that that Henry IV's alteration of the succession was of dubious legality, it appears to me that parliament implicitly went along with Henry IV's restriction.
As Ross-Wars, p. 93, puts it, "There was now no respectable Lancastrian claimant to the English throne left alive.' (In this sense, Ross points out, the original conflict of the Wars of the Roses -- the fight between Lancaster and York -- was over.)
Henry Tudor was so remote from the throne that he didn't even really have a hereditary title, and certainly not a royal title such as a dukedom. The only thing he could claim was the Earldom of Richmond, which had been given to his father by Henry VI, but which Edward IV took away from him (Jenkins, p. 22). In any case, Henry's claim to the throne passed through his mother, Margaret Beaufort -- who was still alive at the time Henry took the throne; if you allow Beaufort succession, she, not he, should have reigned. There is *no* line of argument which makes Henry Tudor the hereditary king of England in 1485.
>> THE DEATH OF EDWARD IV AND THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REALM <<
Edward IV, in the latter part of his reign, almost completely ignored Henry Tudor (Ross-Wars, p. 94). With his more serious opponents displaced, Edward had time to relax and carouse -- and burn himself out. He died in 1483, after a brief and unexpected illness (Kendall, pp. 181-182). He was only 40, and had made no real preparations for the succession except to name his brother Richard Lord Protector. At least, that is the report; Edward's will does not survive (Hicks, p. 139, Jenkins, p. 143, Ross, p. 40. Kendall, p. 539, speculates that the Woodvilles destroyed it. Cunningham, p. 32, questions whether Edward even named Richard protector; he implies that the title was claimed by Richard after Edward's death. But the contemporary witnesses all seem to have thought Edward made the declaration). Richard, unfortunately, was not present in London; he was in the North, where he was in charge of the war with the Scots.
There was every reason to expect chaos. In an attempt to cement his power in a period when the civil wars had extinguished many noble families and left others untrustworthy, Edward IV had created a few very powerful blocks of nobles, such as the Woodvilles at the court and Richard in the north (Hicks, p. 136; Dockray, p. 17, points out the fact that this was almost inevitable, because at this time there were so few trustworthy nobles. Richard continued the system -- but did not know which nobles to trust). Since Edward IV's son Edward was only twelve years old, it was inevitable that these factions started to quarrel over who would take charge. Many historians, from Mancini until the present day, have placed a large part of the blame for Richard's usurpation on the unsettled political situation left by Edward IV (Dockray, pp. 143-144).
The problem was, the court faction, the Woodville clan, was neither trusted nor trustworthy. They had no historic standing; the patriarch of the clan, Richard Woodville, had been a mere knight of no great wealth during the Lancastrian era -- the whole clan was Lancastrian. But Richard's children were very beautiful, and one of the daughters, Elizabeth, had managed to marry Edward IV in 1464 (Dockray, pp. 40-41, etc.). The methods by which she convinced him to marry her would come to be a source of great controversy.
Almost every authority agrees that the Woodvilles had risen too high too quickly. Only Dockray has the slightest sympathy for them -- and even he admits that "the queen's family was both large and predatory; in particular, Woodvilles virtually cornered the aristocratic marriage market for a time, completing no fewer than seven marriages (all with members of noble families) by the end of 1466" (Dockray, p. 41). In Edward IV's reign, they had been limited by the fact that they were merely allied to the crown. The obvious fear was that, with a King whose mother was a Woodville, they would dominate the crown -- and use it entirely for their own ends.
Ross makes the interesting observation, p. 36, that Edward IV had "made a frontal assault on the ark of the covenant of any landowning society -- the law of inheritance." And the Woodvilles were almost always the beneficiaries. Between 1464 and 1467, the father of the clan was made Earl Rivers and appointed Lord Treasurer. Six of the queen's sisters were married to peers -- one Duke, three earls, and two barons. Her brothers were given high posts (Seward-Richard, p. 39). Rivers even managed to grab the possessions of an arrested Lord Mayor of London, and apparently was never made to disgorge them (so Fabian's Chronicle; see Dockray, pp. 47-48). It was one of the most amazing power grabs in English history, and it set the stage for what they attempted in 1483.
(How unpopular did all this make them? The women mostly survived, but the mortality rate among Woodville males was extremely high. Richard Woodville, the first Earl Rivers, the patriarch, was executed in 1470 along with one of his younger sons; Dockray, pp. 69, 71, 72. The young Earl Rivers, Anthony Woodville, was executed in 1483. And, of course, Edward V and his brother, whose mother was a Woodville, did not survive. Neither did one of Elizabeth Woodville's two sons by her first marriage. The Earl of Warwick's rebellion of 1468-1471 was largely blamed on resentment of Woodville influence; Dockray, p. 71.)
Ideally, the government officials should have stepped up to prevent the faction fight after Edward's death. But Edward's uncle by marriage, Henry Bourchier Earl of Essex, who had been Lord Treasurer, had died only days before Edward, leaving the govenment almost bereft of qualified administrators (Hicks, p. 138). The most experienced men left were the Chamberlain, Lord Hastings, and the Steward, Lord Stanley. Neither of these was much help; Hastings, Chamberlain since 1461 (Dockray, p. 37), had commanded a wing of the the Yorkist army at the great battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury, and was captain of Calais, home of England's one regular military force -- but in practice had been more Edward's companion in carousing than his colleague in government (Seward-Richard, p. 80 calls him "not very intelligent"). Stanley, though he held his post for more practical reasons, was not a policy-maker either, since he had no cause except his own advancement.
Nor were the nobles in parliament in position to calm things down. The Wars of the Roses had decimated the higher nobility (Ross-Wars, p. 119, notes that 12 peers died and six were executed in 1459-1461, and ten were killed and seven executed 1469-1471. Five more died 1483-1485. Some of these had successors or had new lords appointed in their places, but not all). The remaining lords often were not closely tied to their people; as Saul observes on p. 441, "As a result of the long blood-letting many of the old regional lineages had been removed -- the Nevilles from Yorkshire, the Mowbrays from Norfolk and the Hastingses from the midlands. The crown stood almost alone...." Perroy, p. 341, observes, "The lord temporal, less and less numerous -- barely thirty by 1485 -- remained without any constructive program." The lower nobility had suffered badly; Ross, p. 154, says that only 26 barons were summoned to Richard III's one parliament in 1484; there had been over forty in the period 1453-1461.
The situation was even more extreme in the higher nobility. With Essex dead and his heir a grandson of about 11, Ross calculates on p. 41 that there were only eleven adult dukes and earls left in the realm in 1483: Duke Richard of Gloucester; the Duke of Buckingham, who became Richard's closest ally; Earl Rivers, the titular head of the Woodville family; the Marquis of Dorset, the son of Elizabeth Woodville by her first husband; the Duke of Suffolk (married to a sister of Edward IV); the elderly earls of Westmorland, Arundel, and Kent; and three fairly vigorous earls, Huntingdon, Northumberland, and Lincoln -- the latter being the son of Suffolk and eventually Richard III's endorsed heir. (This of course excludes the shadow Lancastrian earls such as Henry Tudor, earl of Richmond; Jasper Tudor, earl of Pembroke; and the de Vere Earl of Oxford). Of the three younger earls, Ross, p. 55, thinks that Richard had Northumberland on his side (though certainly not whole-heartedly, given that Northumberland sat inert when Richard was fighting at Bosworth; Burne, p. 294. Northumberland would be killed by his own people as a result -- though the immediate cause was the taxes Henry VII tried to raise for a war he almost certainly didn't intend to fight; Williamson, p. 35-36). Huntingdon seems to have been a cipher, though he eventually married Richard's illegitimate daughter (Ross, p. 158). Lincoln became a supporter of Richard, but may have been hesitant at first.
(Henry Tudor, incidentally, inherited the same extreme situation -- and made it even more extreme. Richard, according to Ross, p. 154, granted only four titles of nobility, mostly to men who were already titled: William, Viscount Berkeley became Earl of Nottingham; John, Lord Howard, became Duke of Norfolk; his son Thomas Howard became Earl of Surrey; and Edward, Lord Lisle became a Viscount. Meanwhile, three dukes -- Buckingham, Gloucester, and Norfolk -- died between 1483 and 1485. Thus Suffolk was the only adult duke left when Henry succeeded -- and he was not a royal duke, and Ross, p. 158, calls him "aged and ineffectual." Aged he was not, since OxfordCompanion, p. 758, says he was born in 1442 -- but he certainly kept a low profile; the OxfordCompanion calls him a "political lightweight." Henry of course reinstated his own earls, such as the de Vere earl of Oxford -- meaning that he instantly created a near-majority in the Lords. Still, there was only one active Duke when Henry died; Halliday, p. 82. Plus, if Edward IV had violated the "covenant" between the monarchy and the nobility with his treatment of the Woodvilles, Henry made his own violations -- as when, e.g., he appointed his uncle Jasper Tudor Duke of Bedford; Williamson, p. 23. Dukedoms were supposed to belong to members of the royal family -- which Jasper was not; Henry Tudor had Beaufort blood, but Jasper did not. Being part of Henry's family was not the same thing.)
In that sense, the Tudor pretender was very lucky. He took advantage of his parliamentary strength, too, getting parliament to annul almost every land grant made since 1455, thus chopping off the Yorkists almost completely and vastly increasing his revenue; Williamson, p. 20. Williamson, p. 19, says that there were few executions and attainders after Bosworth -- though thirty hardly qualifies as "few" in my book -- but the taking of those lands had the effect of attainder, and gradually Henry would pick off his enemies. It was a cute trick: Make an outward show of mercy but don't carry it out. (Interesting how much that sounds like what the Tudor historians charged against Richard. Could it be that their own king gave them the idea...?) Even Williamson, p. 23, admits that "[the Yorkists] were adjudged to give it all back, and their mood was pardonably combative. The surprising thing is that they did not make a greater fight of it...."
Referring to Richard's assumption of the throne, Ross says ( p. 147), "Never before had a king usurped the throne with so slender a base of committed support from the nobility and gentry as a whole.... Moreoever, earlier usurpations had found some justifications as protests against misgovernment."
Gillingham, p. 242, takes this to another level, claiming that apart from the reluctant Northumberland and the captive Lord Strange, only five peers -- Norfolk, Surrey, Viscount Lovell, Lord Ferrers (whose family had been ennobled and made rich by Edward IV in 1463; Dockray, pp. 31, 39), and Lord Zouch (who was the father-in-law of Richard's close friend William Catesby, according to Seward-Richard, p. 119, but who also was a ward of the Woodvilles in his youth, according to Dockray, p. 52) -- were present with Richard at the final battle at Bosworth. This, however, seems to be an argument from silence -- Gillingham lists only peers directly stated to have been present (Norfolk because he died, as did Lord Ferrers; Surrey because he was taken captive on the field; Lovell because he was stated to have escaped; I'm not sure about Zouch). There is a big hole in this argument -- and that's the Earl of Lincoln. He was Richard's heir, and had borne the orb at Richard's coronation (Cheetham, p. 123); if Richard lost, he would certainly lose the chance to become King, and might well be executed -- yet he wouldn't take the field for Richard? It's ridiculous. Thus it is highly unlikely that the argument from silence can be accepted, and we have to say that we just don't know who fought with Richard -- while allowing that Ross is much more likely to have known than Gillingham, simply because he seems to have examined far more indirect evidence.
In any case, Gillingham, p. 7, claims that most peers were unwilling to fight for *anyone* in this period, not just Richard. Whether this was true in 1460, or even 1470, is debatable, but the Paston Letters certainly seem to support the supposition in 1485. The Paston Letters (a trove of letters from a contemporary family of gentry) contains an appeal from the Duke of Norfolk for the Pastons to come to Bosworth (Letter #138 in the brief Oxford Paperback edition selected, modernized, and edited by Norman Davis). The Pastons simply ignored it; they did not fight for Richard, but neither did they fight for Henry Tudor. They had fought at Barnet.
And Ross, no friend of Richard, paints a very different picture of the behavior of the nobles than Gillingham. Ross, p. 159, counts eight active earldoms at the time of Bosworth. Ross says that three apart from Northumberland (Lincoln, Surrey, and Nottingham) were certainly present at Bosworth (note that Gillingham says that only Surrey was there). Ross thinks it likely that Westmoreland was. Arundel was not, but he was old; his heir probably was present. The Earl of Kent was too old (and the "Ballad of Bosworth Field" says he was there anyway). Huntington was not present but probably worked to keep south Wales from supporting Henry Tudor. Thus only Northumberland showed active hostility to Richard -- and even he mostly just sat still (and, to give him his due, he had sat still during the wars of 1470-1471 also -- Ross-Wars, p. 89 -- though in that case, he seems not to have made even an act of participating in the conflict).
The "Ballad" lists as being present with Richard the Duke of Norfolk, his son the Earl of Surrey, the Earl of Kent, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Earl of Lincoln, the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Westmoreland, "young Arrundell" (i.e. presumably the heir of the Earl of Arundel), and Lords including Ferrers, Zouche, Maltravers, Scroop, Dacres, Greystoke, Wells, Audeley, and at least five others whose names appear to be corrupted (or else I can't figure out the spelling)
Ross also believes that a majority of the barons supported Richard; he counts at least 16 out of 26 on the King's side in parliament (Ross, p. 161). Some of these had of course been given grants by Richard, but Ross admits that "not all [were his supporters] for materialistic reasons."
Hicks, p. 58, makes another interesting point: when young Edward (V) was declared heir to the throne in 1471, 46 nobles -- five dukes, five earls, 16 barons, nine bishops, and 11 knights -- signed the document. 32 were still alive in 1483 when Edward IV died. Hicks thinks only Richard, Buckingham, and maybe Bishop Stillington betrayed the oath. Yet very few of the other 29 fought on the Tudor side.
In a deeper sense, though, Gillingham is right about Richard's troubles with the nobility. Even Thomas More said it: "with large gifts he got him unsteadfast friendships" (Gillingham, p. 245). Ross, p. 163, argues that "in the final analysis... Richard's political future depended upon the attitudes and loyalties of the four great surviving magnate families. They were the more important simply because they were so few."
Ross lists four of these "great magnates": The Duke of Buckingham, Lord Howard (who was made Duke of Norfolk by Richard, succeeding the extinct line of the Mowbrays), the Percy Earl of Northumberland, and Lord Stanley (at this time only a baron, though he would eventually be made Earl of Derby under Henry VII). Howard of Norfolk, the dominant power in East Anglia, had gone with Edward IV into exile in 1470 (Dockray, p. 77), and was loyal to Richard to the death. Buckingham, given great power in Wales, betrayed Richard at first chance, seemingly out of pure lust for power. Northumberland, the leading figure in the northeast, stood neutral. And the Stanley family, with much power in the northwest, had a foot in both camps but finally went against Richard. Seward-Richard, p. 116, agrees (in a passage which appears inspired by Ross, though Seward does not acknowledge the dependence in any way): "Buckingham, Norfolk, Northumberland, and Stanley, these were the four props of the new regime. They formed an alarmingly narrow power base. All were 'over mighty', with large private armies. The desertion of anyone of them could place Richard in grave peril."
Seward-Richard, p. 73, puts it this way. "His modern defenders have made much of [Richard's] popularity in York [and elsewhere in the North]. But... they were politically negligible even though they paid good taxes and supplied soldiers. It is a cliche among historians of the Wars of the Roses that the cities took little part in the struggle. The Duke should have concentrated his energies on winning more friends among the magnates." This is unquestionably true -- though I've never quite understood how making friends with ordinary people and refusing to buy off the wealthy and powerful is a sign of moral turpitude.
>> THE CHARACTER OF RICHARD III <<<
This brings us to the heart of the issue: What was Richard like? This is where the Tudor smear campaign really makes things hard.
It is now all but universally agreed that Richard was not a hunchback; see e.g. Ashley, p. 622, Seward-Roses, p. 272 -- though Seward-Richard, p. 37, says he had a "imperceptible crookback." (Another case where the comment tells us more about the person who wrote it than the person it is written about. If it's imperceptible, then it isn't a crookback!) Harvey, p. 207, notes that "from his portraits he was by no means ill-looking," though Seward-Roses speaks of his "normally somewhat acid expression." Based on his paintings, this description seems correct -- except that the evidence is not contemporary and has been tainted. For this, see especially Fields, pp. 281-283. There are three early portraits of Richard. One, dated by tree rings analysis of the frame to the year 1516-1522, shows a perfectly normal man with dark hair, reasonably handsome, though his lips are tightly clenched. A second portrait, dated 1518-1523, may well be based on the first, but in its current form it is said to have been retouched to raise Richard's right shoulder and narrow his eyes (perhaps to make him look more angry).
And then there is the third painting, the so-called "broken sword" portrait, which looks rather unlike the other two. Tree ring examination makes it likely that it was painted in the period 1533-1543. X-ray evidence shows unquestionably that it was retouched. Weir, p. 145, says that "drastic alterations were made later on, when Richard's reputation was rehabilitated [um -- when was that?], to give the deformed-looking king a more normal appearance." Fields also thinks the current version shows a more natural-looking Richard than the painted-over version. Yet Ross, p. 139, says that the painting "in which, under recent X-ray examination, there was an original straight shoulder-line, [was] later painted over to give the impression of a raised right shoulder." Cunningham, pp. 86, 97, shows both the painting and the X-ray, as does Fields; in both cases, the left shoulder appears higher than the other but it appears to me that in the final version of the painting, Richard's right shoulder has been raised and looks unnatural. So my (casual) examination seems to reveal that Ross is right and Weir wrong, but what does it tell you that moderns can't even agree on what still-extant evidence shows? (And why doesn't someone digitally superimpose the two images to make sure?)
It is possible that there is a fourth portrait of Richard, shown in in Cunningham, p. 10 and Ross-Wars, p. 83. The painting is of an author presenting a book to Edward IV, and there is in the foreground a man wearing the emblem of the Order of the Garter. It is suggested that it is Richard. The man looks far less handsome than the other portraits, but he is wearing a short, tight coat and hose, there is no evidence of a crookback or a deformed shoulder. We also have some sketches, including one by Rous, which seem to show a normal man but which are generally too hasty to mean much and which are surely not taken from life.
Kendall, p. 52, concludes that Richard's only deformity was that one shoulder was somewhat larger than the other -- a common condition among those trained to arms in the Middle Ages. (Indeed, Richard's great-grandnephew Edward VI had mismatched shoulders; Morris, p. 98). Oddly, there is disagreement about which shoulder had the problem -- Thomas More says Richard's left shoulder was higher (Fields, p. 277), as seemingly does Polydore Vergil (Ross, p. xxv); John Rous (who was contemporary but not close to Richard or the court) said it was the right. Kendall concludes that Richard's right shoulder was larger, while Cheetham, p. 203, follows More. Kendall may have been going by the fact that it is usually the right shoulder that was larger (see, e.g. Prestwich, pp. 137-138, describing the case of a knight whose right arm was longer than his left, based on his skeleton). Ross, p. 139, mentions the possibility of something called "Sprengel's Deformity," which limits the use of the shoulder, but given Richard's generally-conceded martial prowess, this seems pretty unlikely to me. Keegan/Wheatcroft, p. 262, declare that "the 'deformed' shoulder was, in fact, the overdeveloped arm and shoulder of an expert swordsman."
The one voice arguing the other way is Seward-Richard, p. 22, who appears to accept that Richard had a withered arm,presumably based on the fact that Thomas More said it; he speculates that Richard may have been a breech birth. On this basis, he suggests (p. 37) that Richard developed mismatched shoulders because he over-exercised his intact arm. Possible, of course, except that there is no need for the major premise of a withered arm. (I suppose we should point out that, if he did have a withered arm, it must have been his left, because his handwriting was firm and attractive.)
Fields, pp. 278-279, notes that no contemporary other than Rous reports Richard to have had any deformity; the Croyland Chronicler, who certainly knew him, never mentions it, the Great Chronicle has nothing to say of it, Mancini never describes any such thing, and Commynes, who actually describes Richard's appearance and who was very critical of Richard's acts, portrays a whole man. On pp. 280-281, Fields lists other sources who briefly describe Richards -- including the Countess of Desmond, who said that Richard was the handsomest man at a ball she attended except his brother Edward IV. The contemporary sketches -- including even those by Rous! -- show no deformities, though they are probably not intended to be accurate portrayals.
Seward-Richard, p. 85, deduces much about his appearance and character based on little evidence, but it is not unlikely that Richard was indeed high-strung and excitable. Vergil said that he would bite his lip and toy with a dagger at his belt when thinking.
Our genuine indications about his character are few but mostly positive. Seward-Roses, p. 257, credits him with being "impeccably loyal to Edward IV" and having much charisma, but also accuses him of "a streak of vicious rapacity." Elsewhere, Seward modifies this view: he thinks Richard feared and resented Edward IV (Seward-Richard, p. 41, where he bases this opinion on an interview between the two brothers which he admits to having simply imagined); he concedes that Richard probably also felt "deep affection" for Edward. Nearly every other source calls Richard loyal to Edward without all the rigmarole of resentment.
Curiously, Seward-Richard, p. 90, calls Richard's coup against Edward V "brilliant," but clearly regards him as a poor planner overall. Seward's conclusion on p. 91 is that Richard's coup was pre-planned, but here again he is almost alone; given the number of things Richard could not foresee in advance, pre-planning seems extremely unlikely.
Seward-Richard, p. 19, tells us that Commynes calls Richard "more filled with pride" than any other recent monarch. Commynes also reported that Louis XI of France called him "extremely cruel and evil" -- but even if you don't consider such a comment from the Spider King a compliment, it should be remembered that Richard had opposed peace with Louis's France. Louis, who would say anything, probably did. Commynes also thought Richard killed Henry VI, which is usually regarded as highly unlikely.
Wilkinson, p. 286, makes the observation, "Had he lived, Richard might have gone down in history as the first modern ruler of England." (Make of that what you may. Wilkinson does not seem to think it a compliment.)
Harvey, p. 206, says that "Richard was innocent of nine-tenths of the abominable charges made against him," while admitting the likelihood that he killed his nephews. He adds, p. 208, that "in many directions [Richard] gave proof of a genuine desire for conciliation."
Ashley, p. 624, writes, "When his brief reign is viewed in the round, Richard was undoubtedly a worthy king... History... has chosen to focus on the vicious and ruthless side of his character rather than a balanced view. Richard was certainly not someone to have as either your friend or your enemy, but he was a better king than many who had come before him and many who would come after."
Jenkins, p. 205, suggests, "He was anxious about everything to make a good impression. He used the [royal] power well when he had paid its terrible price."
Cheetham, p. 202, considers Richard an enigma, while noting on p. 204 that "His loyalty to Edward IV during his brother's lifetime is beyond dispute" -- but concludes that Edward's wife Elizabeth Woodville "had valid reasons to be afraid of him."
On p. 214, Cheetham describes Richard as follows: "'Old Dick', for all his solid virtues as an administrator and his undoubted courage on the battlefield, lacked Edward [IV]'s knack of making friends. More's observation that he had a 'close and secret' nature hits on an uncomfortable truth.... The extraordinary circumstances of Richard's upbringing cannot have failed to leave their mark on him, just as they did on his brother George. But whereas George's shallow nature gave way to a mixture of paranoia and bravado, Richard became wary, self-reliant and inaccessible.... While he was Duke of Gloucester this self-reliance was a source of strength. But the King was a public figure whose words and gestures would be carefully marked."
Cheetham, pp. 204-205, also notes that Richard had a strong streak of what we would now call puritanism -- he did father two bastard children (Ross, p. 138), but compared to Edward IV, who typically had three or more mistresses at the same time, that's pretty tame. (For a song about one of Edward's mistresses, see "Jane Shore.") Even Seward-Richard, p. 86 grants that he "does not seem to have shared [Edward IV's] taste for whoring.
Mancini reports that Richard "set out to acquire the loyalty of his people through favours and justice. The good reputation of his private life and public activities powerfully attracted the esteem of strangers" (Fields, p. 61).
Cunningham, p. 93, confesses, "Assessment of Richard's morality is extremely difficult. His use of character assassination and defamation makes it hard to separate Richard's public presentation of himself from the private feelings he must have held. The Tudor vilification of Richard III only compounds the problem."
Ross, p. 136, thinks Richard's concern with sexual morality was a sham -- something he used as a means to attack the Woodvilles. Certainly he was always slamming their behavior in his proclamations; Ross, p. 137, says he was "the first English king to use character-assassination as a deliberate instrument of policy." But Richard certainly wasn't the first King to engage in propaganda; Dockray, p. xvii, notes two publicity pamplets released by Edward IV's government after the 1470-1471 rebellion, and Ross-Wars, p. 43, mentions Yorkist propaganda prior to the invasion of 1460; on p. 45 he quotes a popular ballad they used to influence opinion, beginning, ÒRichard duke of York,Job thy servant insigne, Whom Satan not ceaseth to set at care and disdain, But by Thee preserved he may not be slain." Henry VII has in his own propagands, at least as vile as Richard's (according to pp. 56-57 of Russell, during Lambert Simnel's rebellion, a man was said to have blasphemed, died, and turned black; Henry therefore claimed Lollard influence on the movement and campaigned as a champion of orthodoxy. Ironic indeed for the father of Henry VIII....) And having affairs before getting married was pretty much standard procedure for royal dukes at the time.
Regarding Richard's bastard children and his later sexual strictness -- I strongly suspect Richard felt guilty in his later years about the raging hormones of his youth. Realize that the two children were probably conceived when he was between 16 and 20 years old. Hicks, p. 26, says that his older child, a daughter Katherine, was married in 1484 at the age of at least 14 (meaning that she was probably conceived when Richard, who was born in 1452, was 17), and estimates that Richard's son John of Pontrefract was born in 1471 -- Richard knighted the boy in 1483 (Ross, p. 138), so it is likely that he was indeed approaching his teens. Richard did not marry until at least 1472, and apparently had no side affairs after he married.
In connection with Richard's strait-laced behavior, we note that Sir William Stanley, who was a generation older than Richard and who would betray him, called him "Old Dick," as if the king were uninteresting in his lifestyle (Cheetham, p. 208). Ross, p. 19, mentions that, though Edward IV built up a significant library of romances, Richard's (rather smaller) library features no such light reading; the few books we know of seem to be mostly religious in nature (Ross, pp. 128-129, though Rubin, p. 316, says that he also had a copy of Geoffrey of Monmouth, which he annotated with his own hand. Geoffrey is almost pure fiction, but it seemed to describe ideal kings, and the annotations seem to imply that Richard wanted to be a good king of a peaceful land). Seward-Richard, p. 85, says that we know little of his personal tastes, though he argues that Richard was fond of fancy clothing and on p. 86 offers evidence that he was very fond of hawking.
Ross does give a list of rather sharp real estate dealings on Richard's part on p. 31. It is hard to deny that he used all the tricks available to him for his own advantage -- but this was standard operating procedure at the time  (and Fields, p. 47, offers evidence that some were not necessarily unfair to the other parties). Ross, p. 29, observes that contemporaries thought the action in the case showed just how intelligent Richard and his brothers were. Even Ross, p. 128, says that "there is no good reason to doubt that Richard was a genuinely pious and religious man" though he is not convinced that Richard was very clever.
There would come a time when Edward IV would condemn his middle brother, George of Clarence, to death for treason. (And there isn't much doubt that the charge was valid -- George had been part of the Earl of Warwick's 1470 rebellion, and Edward had forgiven him for that, but apparently George kept on conspiring.) Ross, pp. 32-33, declares that the contemporary sources all held Richard innocent in this, and that some say he was sorely grieved. Yet Ross on p. 33 concludes that Richard almost certainly had a hand in the overthrow of Clarence. His only evidence for this is that Richard gained much in the apportionment of Clarence's lands which followed, plus a statement by More that Richard "secretly... lacked not in helping forth his brother Clarence to his death, which he resisted openly" (Dockray, p. 107). Dockray, p. 97, agrees with this and believes that Richard helped pack the parliament which condemned Clarence.
Kendall, of course, makes Richard seem a near-saint. Weir makes him a pure demon intent on seizing the throne "as soon as possible." The only thing good to be said about Kendall's view is that it makes more sense than Weir's.
Richard seems to have had a genuine fondness for music, including secular music and dance; several bishops expressed disapproval of the sort of music he permitted at his court events (Ross, pp. 141-142; the clerics involved seem to have regarded it as licentious, but that probably just means it involved dancing and didn't have religious themes).
One point is rarely mentioned by the controversialists. They seem to think they know Richard III personally. But they did not. Neither did Thomas More. Edward IV did. And Edward IV entrusted Richard with his son. Mistakenly, to be sure, but could Richard really have fooled his older brother for more than thirty years?
Also, if it be charged that Richard III seems to have wanted power -- there isn't much doubt of that. (Most barons at this time did!) But consider this: In 1483, when Edward IV died, Richard was no worse than #9 in line for the throne, and probably higher. Henry Tudor stood at least three spots lower (behind Richard, Richard's son, and Henry's own mother), even if you discount the Beaufort illegitimacy. (It is interesting to note that, though Henry VII pretended to hereditary right, the act of parliament declaring him King asserts no such thing; Williamson, p. 19. It in effect says, Look, he's king now and we aren't going to fight it. Or, as Russell says on p. 69, Henry VII "had shown that the only indispensible condition for possession of the throne was power," and Henry, unlike Richard, would let no hint of mercy or justice interfere with his possession of that.)
Williamson, p. 18, allows that Henry's claim came through the Beauforts, and grants that "On the most favorable interpretation the Beaufort claim was not the best of the existing claims to the throne.... The Beaufort claim was therefore the Lancastrian claim, strong in history though weak in law." Yet Henry could not logically call himself the Lancastrian claimant, because Lancastrian rule was based on succession in the male line, and Henry Tudor's claim came through his mother. In male line, Edward IV was the heir of Henry VI and his son, and then Edward IV's sons, and then George of Clarence and his son (barred by attainder), and then Richard III. There were *no other descendents of Edward III in male line*. None. And if you ignore all that -- well, Henry's mother was still alive, so she surely came before him in line. And Henry Tudor was actually of dubious legitimacy on both sides -- supposedly his paternal grandfather, Owen Tudor, had married Katherine of France, the widow of Henry V, but no proof was ever offered (Cheetham, pp. 132-233). The children of this match, including Edmund Tudor the father of Henry VII, were ennobled by Henry VI -- but not due to any hereditary claims to a place in the English peerage. (They might have had claims to *French* titles -- after all, they were the nephews of Charles VII -- but they certainly never attempted to gain any.) So which one was madly ambitious -- Richard of Gloucester, who had a good claim to the throne, or Henry Tudor?
This is not to deny Richard's ambition, which is undeniable, nor to justify it. It's just to show that the choice at the time was Richard, or a government led by Edward V and dominated by the wildly ambitious Woodvilles, or a goverment led by the wildly ambitious Henry Tudor. Of the three, only Richard had demonstrated any sort of competence, and also had the best record of "public service."
If you want my guess, it appears to me that Richard had a soldier's sort of impatience. (If the Yorkists collectively had a fault, it was an inability to control their lusts: Edward IV never controlled his desire for women and pleasure, George of Clarence never controlled his lust for the throne, and Richard seemed never to curb his lust for some sort of action.) He didn't like hanging around court, and he didn't like waiting for the slow wheels of justice (even though justice at that time was swift compared to today). Whatever the problem, he leapt in and solved it (just witness the way he died! -- the one and only thing Shakespeare seems to have gotten right in "Richard III"). So he executed men like Lord Hastings and Earl Rivers without trial rather than wait for a court decision (Seward-Roses, pp. 258, 265-266).
I find myself wondering if some of Richard's tendency to rush to judgment might not be the psychological trauma of his childhood; he was born around the beginning of the Wars of the Roses, and by the time he was ten, he lost his father, an older brother, and an uncle, and had been repeatedly forced to flee home (cf. Cunningham, pp. 3-4). Ross, p. 23, adds that, by the time he was 18, he had seen brutal executions carried out on many occasions, either *of* people he loved or *by* people he loved: Margaret of Anjou had executed his father and brother in 1460; Edward IV had executed many in 1461; the Earl of Warwick, who had had charge of Richard's education in the 1460s and whose daughter Richard would later marry, had engaged in mass executions in his 1469-1471 power grabs; and Edward IV had ordered more executions in the aftermath of Warwick's rebellions -- including, eventually, George of Clarence, who was Edward and Richard's own brother.
Even Seward-Richard, p. 60, admits that Richard "never had time to be young" -- though few people at this time did have a childhood as we would now recognize the term. Still, most children merely found themselves farming in the fields or learning weapons by the age of eight or so; they were not subjected to the sorts of wrenching changes of fortune Richard faced.
Richard's brutality was hardly exceptional; Seward-Roses, p. 7, notes that in 1460-1461 alone eighteen peers died in battle or were executed; in the course of the Wars of the Roses, no fewer than twelve senior members of the Royal Family died. There is a report that, after Towton, 42 Lancastrian knights were beheaded. Seward claims that some 60 were attainted.
Richard's overall record was one of surprising mercy. Consider the first serious rebellion faced by Richard, that of the Duke of Buckingham,. Buckingham's rebellion was widespread and featured a man who had every reason to grateful to Richard -- Ross, p. 114, observes that no one at the time could figure out why Buckingham rebelled, since Richard had made him the most important man in the kingdom (he had been the richest noble in England even *before* that, and his lands would be used to endow many nobles after his death, according to Cheetham, p. 160). Moderns have no more idea of what Buckingham was thinking than did his contemporaries. Cunningham, p. 52, speculates that the wily John Morton, Bishop of Ely, talked him into it, but while Morton had a mind more twisty than a snake with a broken back, that can't really explain what Morton offered him. Buckingham was descended from Edward III in two lines, but no matter how you look at it, he was pretty far down -- in the Beaufort line, he trailed Henry Tudor, and in the true Plantagenet line, he trailed not only Richard III but also all of Edward IV's surviving sisters and their children. Nonetheless, Cunningham, p. 104, concludes that he must have been trying for the throne, since there was nothing else he could aspire to.
Though I have never seen this stated, it's possible that Buckingham's ambitions explain one of the contraditions of Richard III's usurpation: Was the official party line that Edward IV was illegitimate, or that Edward IV's children were illegitimate? For Richard, it was easier to argue that the children were illegitimate -- but, for Buckingham, it was better that Edward IV and all his siblings were bastards. If you set aside all of Edward IV's siblings, and considered the Beaufort/Tudor connection to be barred by illegitimacy -- as it probably should have been -- then there was hardly anyone left senior to Buckingham in the line of succession. There were a few foreign descendents of John of Gaunt in the female line (doubly suspect because they were foreign and female), including the heiress of Burgundy, the King of Portugal, and the famous Queen Isabella of Castile (Fields, p. 153; cf. Mattingly, p. 25, who speculates that the wedding of Henry VIII with Catherine of Aragon was arranged partly to bring in her Lancastrian blood),but among residents of England, I see only Henry Bourchier, the grandson of the Earl of Essex and Richard III's first cousin once removed, who was only about 11 years old. Buckingham could surely have had him set aside, too.
So Buckingham could, perhaps, have been involved in a truly grand conspiracy: Use Richard III to eliminate all the Yorkists except Richard himself; used Henry Tudor to eliminate Richard III, and then let Henry Tudor's illegitimacy eliminate the Tudor (compare Cheetham, p. 136). Or maybe Buckingham planned to knock off Henry and argue that he was the next heir of the Beaufort line; Seward-Richard, pp. 90-91, seems to think this was Buckingham's primary idea. Most of this scheme worked, except that, ironically, Buckingham showed his hand too soon and wasn't around to pick up the pieces.
After Buckingham's rebellion collapsed, many of the leaders were in Richard's hands. Richard considered Buckingham ungrateful, and he was executed (Ross, p. 117). But few others suffered so; the rebellion resulted in "less than a dozen executions" (Cheetham, p. 211). Even Ross, p. 117, admits that "few paid for their treason with their lives," though he adds (p. 119) that "none of the men pardoned in 1484 and 1485 was ever restored to the commissions of peace in his native county." (This is at least partly false, given that Lord Stanley retained his power, but it may have been generally true. Still, that's only two years!) Ross does add (pp. 119-120) that several of these men lost estates, which Richard arbitrarily re-granted to his supporters. Ross is probably right in thinking that this cost Richard some support -- but it happened in every regime of this period. Richard did not take any real action against Buckingham's young son -- he was executed by (ahem) Henry VIII, seemingly just because he was the leading descendent of Edward III who wasn't directly linked to the Tudors (Williamson, pp. 98-99).
We might note also that, when Richard had invaded Scotland in 1482 at Edward's orders, he had Edinburgh at his mercy -- but he did not burn it, as other English invaders had done (Ross, p. 47). The Croyland Chronicler was rather sarcastic about this act of humanity (Dockray, p. 114), though Edward IV officially told the Pope that Richard had "spared the supplicant and prostrate citizens" (Dockray, p. 118). This at a time when captured cities could expect to be sacked. Richard, in fact, must have had very good control of his men to have been able to keep them from wrecking the place. (Of course, that control could come from respect or from fear.)
Even at the end, at the Battle of Bosworth, Richard we see signs leniency. Lord Stanley, at that battle, refused a peremptory order to join his forces with Richard's. Lord Strange, Stanley's son, was in Richard's camp, and tried to escape. He was caught. Richard sent Stanley another order, on threat of Strange's head, and Stanley declared he had other sons.
Despite this, Strange was not executed. (It's not quite certain what Richard actually did. Jenkins, p. 213, says Richard did not order the execution. though Wilkinson, p. 304, thinks Richard did order him executed, and his subordinates refused to carry it out. Cheetham, p. 191, splits the difference: "Either because Richard retreated when his bluff was called, or because his orders were disobeyed, Lord Strange survived his ordeal." Potter cites "the legend" as saying Strange's execution was ordered but postponed; the "legend" seems to be the "Ballad of Bosworth Field," which implies that Richard was willing to let Strange's fate be decided by the battle). Strange in fact, died in 1503 of what was said to be poison (Ashley, p. 584).  But note that it doesn't matter what Richard did; what matters is that, clearly *Stanley did not expect Richard to execute Strange*, or he would not have said what he said.
Quite frankly, Richard's clemency would in the end would cost him. (Fields, p. 92, mentions his "surprising leniency, a characteristic of Richard that was sometimes foolish and even reckless.) Seward-Richard, p. 75, makes the grim jest that Stanley was an "outstanding security risk," who would go on to help kill Richard. Stanley would not have been around to betray him had Richard not forgiven him earlier.
Of course, what people really condemn him for was killing Edward V and Richard of York. Not that it was unusual to get rid of deposed kings. Edward II was murdered. So, in all likelihood, was Richard II. Henry VI was eventually disposed of. All of them, it is true, were adults -- yet the saintly but half-witted Henry VI was no more responsible for his actions than was the underage but intelligent Edward V. And don't forget that Henry VII would trick the Earl of Warwick -- another mentally fragile Plantagenet -- to justify executing him, and eventually Henry VIII would execute the Countess of Salisbury (Warwick's sister) on even feebler grounds. Don't forget, too, that Henry VII was trying for the throne even before Edward IV died, so he would also unquestionably have killed the princes.
Ross, p. 127, concludes, "Past discussions of Richard's character and ability as king of England have always been bedevilled by the problem of his motivation. Confronted by the paradox between a man apparently capable of ruthless political violence, indeed infanticide, [sic. -- Richard of York, his youngest possible victim, was about nine] on the one hand, and a seemingly beneficent, concerned, and well-intentioned monarch on the other, Richard's critics and detractors have had no hesitation in seeking a cynical explanation."
The real problem was that the situation in 1483 put Richard, and many others, in an impossible position. Ross-Wars, p. 94, admits "Probably it was fear for his own safety and future which inspired his action, rather than any deep-laid plan or the determination 'to prove a villain' which Shakespears and the Tudor tradition attributed to him." The problem arose when Edward IV died young in April of that year.
>> THE USURPATION <<
When Edward IV died, his son Edward V was only twelve years old. So how was England to be governed until Edward V came of age? This was the question which destroyed both Edward V and Richard III
Even Edward V's youth might not have mattered had he not been in the hands of his mother's family, the Woodvilles, who had already shown that they placed their own interests ahead of England's; if they were allowed to dominate Edward V, even pro-Tudor scholars generally agree it would have been disastrous. And even anti-Richard historians agree that they had been given far too much power -- they dominated Wales as part of the entourage of Edward V, who was of course Prince of Wales. The younger of Edward's sons, Richard Duke of York, had also been given the Dukedom of Norfolk when he had been married to the young Anne Mowbray. Anne had since died, so Richard should have lost the title, but Edward IV had never rescinded it, giving the Woodvilles power in East Anglia.
But the Woodville faction, instead of addressing the real problems, simply moved quickly to gain control of the prince and set Richard of Gloucester aside -- they didn't even send messages to tell Richard that Edward IV was dead! (Jenkins, p. 143; Kendall, p. 193. Seward-Richard, p. 88, conceals this by saying that a messenger from Lord Hastings brought the message), and scheduled a very premature coronation for May 4 (Kendall, p. 196; Jenkins, p. 180, notes the irony that, when the time came, Richard himself would rush his own coronation to prevent any sort of rebellion or demonstration). They also seized the royal treasure and put a fleet to sea under their command (Ross, p. 65). The only thing that made it appear anything less than a coup d'etat was the fact that they were of course loyal to the new King.
The Woodville-dominated council decided immediately after Edward IV's death not to give Duke Richard broad powers as protector (Hicks, p. 139; Ross, p. 65). One council member, the Marquis of Dorset -- one of Queen Elizabeth Woodville's sons by her first marriage -- went so far as to declare "We are so important that even without the King's uncle we can make and enforce our decisions" (Ross, p. 68). This even though, with Edward IV dead, they had no official role.
The non-Woodville members of the council reportedly acted as it did out of fear that Richard of Gloucester would usurp power -- and so they responded by helping the Woodvilles grab it instead (Cheatham, p. 102, based on Mancini). It was a truly stupid move. It was also, in effect, a declaration of war on Richard. The Woodville plan seems to have been to crown Edward V, have him open a hastily-summoned parliament, and put themselves in complete control (Hicks, p. 147). They wanted Edward V to reach London no later than May 1.
Despite the panic in London, no one away from the capitol seems to have worried too much about the aftermath of the king's death. Things might have been different had the royal party set out for London at once. But Earl Rivers did not leave home with his nephew until probably April 24 (Kendall, pp. 195-196; on p. 540 he says the exact date is uncertain but most authorities seem to agree with his chronology). True, he had been requested to bring 2000 soldiers with him. But he could probably have set out quickly, gathering soldiers as he went; instead, he sat.
Once he heard of his brother's death, Richard gave overwhelming evidence of grief, according to Jenkins, p. 146, and Seward-Richard, p. 93.
The chronology here is murky. Edward IV died on April 9, 1483 at the age of 40 (Dockray, pp. 143-145, citing Croyland; it appears no other source gives the exact date). Seward-Richard, p. 88, says that the message from Lord Hastings reached Richard two days later. Kendall, p. 183, says it was "mid-April." Neither one documents their date. Some time not long after, word reached Richard from Hastings that the Woodvilles were taking charge. Seward-Richard, p. 92, seems to imply it happened almost at once; Kendall, p. 194, seems to imply a longer time. Seward-Richard, p. 93, has Richard at York on April 20, grieving for his brother.
Some time soon after that, a message from the Duke of Buckingham reached Richard, offering to bring a large force (Seward-Richard, p. 93). Richard told him to bring only 300 men, and to meet him at Northampton, where they would meet the King and Rivers.
Rivers had, by that date, made it to Stony Stratford, somewhat beyond Northampton. But Rivers himself returned to the town to meet Richard on April 29. There the Duke of Buckingham joined Richard -- and Richard, for reasons we can only guess, went from grief-stricken brother to man of action.
Had there been a battle, Rivers would surely have won; each duke, according to Kendall, p. 195, had only 300 retainers, while Ross, p. 74, credits them with only 500 combined -- Rivers, recall, was supposed to bring 2000 men. But there was no battle over the prince (Ross, p. 94, says there was "violence," but what he means is simply "swift action"). By a series of quick maneuvers, Richard managed to get Edward V out of the Woodville clan's hands (Seward-Richard, pp. 94-95, says he surrounded Rivers's hotel with his men), and to put Rivers and others of his party in custody (though, ironically, he sent Rivers a dish from his own table at the time).
It tells you something about the internal conflicts of this period that, the moment she heard Edward V was in Richard's hands, Queen Elizabeth Woodville took her other children and fled into sanctuary (Jenkins, p. 151; Seward-Richard, p. 95; Hicks, p. 145 notes that the Woodville faction made no attempt to negotiate. They just checked local opinion, found it was against them, and ran).
Jenkins, p. 147, thinks the maneuvering by Richard shows how hard the Woodvilles were fighting him, but I'm not sure this follows. Although the other three Woodville brothers "were hated by everybody" (Seward-Richard, p. 79). Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers, who had custody of Edward V, was a bit different. Seward-Richard, p. 79, calls him "chivalrous, cultivated and travelled, a patron of letters, something of a mystic, and even a poet." Jenkins, pp. 168-169, notes the graciousness of his last will, which left large bequests to charity and did nothing which would have supported the Woodville cause, though Hicks, p. 126, accuses him of what we would now call real estate fraud. Ross, p. 69, Cheetham, p. 123, and Kendall, p. 204, all report that he wore a hair shirt under his robes. He seems to have been driven by a strong and rather mystical piety (ironically, much like what we see in Richard III's surviving library and writings). I would add that Woodville's _Sayings of the Philosophers_ was probably the first book from an English author printed in England; Caxton published it in 1477. Most English nobles at this time were literate -- Richard III wrote a beautiful secretary hand, though Edward IV had a pretty sloppy signature and Edward V's writing was rather stiff -- but few were scholars enough to compile a book like Woodville's.
Percy's _Reliques_, in fact, prints a poem by Rivers (as preserved by Rous, and supposedly written shortly before his execution); it is given under the title "A Balet by the Earl Rivers," and begins
Sumwhat musyng, And more mornying,
In remembring The [=Thy?] unstydfasness;
This world being Of such whelyng,
Me contrarieng, What may I gesse?
(Reprinted on pp. 48-49 of volume II of Percy/Wheatley.)
Cheetham, p. 123, speculates that this is precisely why Richard killed Rivers: he was "the one member of the [Woodville] family whose talents and popularity might have redeemed the greed and cruelty of his kin and threatened the ascendancy of his executioner."
Opinion in London at the time was apparently mixed, with the citizens fearing the coming of the Dukes. Richard managed to calm almost everyone (Seward-Richard, p. 96) -- except, of course, the Woodville faction.
Keep in mind that if the Woodvilles had reason to fear Richard, Richard had reason to fear them as well (even Seward-Richard, p. 81, admits this point). *Someone* had instigated the treason trial of George of Clarence, and it probably wasn't Edward IV (since he had hesitated long to sign the actual death warrant; Fields, p. 57, though Dockray notes on p. 97 that most sources say Edward was responsible for the whole thing). Almost everyone thinks the Woodvilles had pushed Edward into it (so Mancini; see Dockray, pp. 97, 102 -- though Thomas More, as Dockray puts it, accuses Richard of "conniving at" the execution). If the Woodvilles were willing to kill one of Edward IV's brothers, why not two? And there was the disturbing precendent of Humphrey of Gloucester, who had been Protector during Henry VI's minority: It was widely believed that his death in 1447 had been the result of murder (Fields, p. 73, and see below).
As Ross says on pp. 72-73, "The _volte-face_ at Northampton and Stony Stratford is a key event in the history of Richard's usurpation, since for the first time the Woodville group was now deprived of the initiative. But it was very far from solving Richard's problems. When the news reached London on the night of 30 April-May 1, it produced consternation. The queen, taking her younger son, Richard of York, and her daughters with her, at once withdrew to sanctuary in Westminster Abbey, a clear indication of how little confidence she had in Richard's good faith. The Woodville group contemplated raising an army to recover the king by force, only to find it did not command enough support."
Elizabeth probably expected to stay in sanctuary a while; the history of Thomas More reports that she took so much stuff that they had to do some sort of reconstruction on the building to get it all in (Jenkins, p. 151; Poole, p. 6). Everything in More must be taken with a grain of salt, of course, but there is sense to this; she had fled to sanctuary once before (during the 1469-1471 rebellion against Edward IV -- Edward V in fact had been born there) and had found it an uncomfortable experience. This time, she would be ready. It's barely possible that she saved her life by fleeing, but what is certain is that by this act she "declared war" on Richard and his allies (Jenkins, p. 156). She had, in effect, said, "Either you or I rule the King" -- and Richard was "in possession." And he didn't look threatening; he had always been loyal to Edward IV, and he arrived in London with only a small escort (Hicks, p. 146).
The dowager Queen's behavior clearly put Richard in a bind (though neither he nor she may have realized it at the time). If the young King were allowed to rule with his mother's family at his side, their administration would very likely prove incompetent (since the only actual skill the Woodvilles had demonstrated was a keen ability to be social climbers) -- and Richard would be in grave personal danger, since they clearly distrusted him (Mancini in fact said that she and her family had driven him from the court, though Dockray, p. 98, questions this). For his own and the nation's survival, Richard probably needed to cement his power. (Indeed, Hicks, p. 148, thinks he executed Earl Rivers, Lord Grey, and Sir Thomas Vaughan -- associates of Edward V -- so hastily because, if Edward were crowned, Richard would no longer be Lord Protector and they could safely move against him.) As Ross says on p. 80, "No one familiar with the Woodvilles could have looked forward to gentle forgiveness."
It would be hard even for him to retreat to his lands. Although he had significant holdings as Duke of Gloucester, a very large portion of his wealth came through his wife, the younger daughter of the Earl of Warwick -- and some of that was in a strange legal position; he could only hold it as long as his wife's cousin, who could not be accounted her heir, was alive (Cunningham, p. 20; apparently this had to do with the fact that the boy George Neville, the son of Warwick's brother the Marquis of Montagu, was the heir of Warwick in male line). And George Neville in fact died soon after Edward IV (Cunningham, p. 36). Cunningham thinks that Richard may have been worried about his own and his son's position -- he would still hold the Gloucester dukedom, but Edward V, once he came of age, could take all his authority in the north away. This would effectively leave Richard without a power base.
And Edward had handed Richard an office that had a history of being a very hot potato. In living memory, there had been two Protectors, both for Henry VI. Humphrey of Gloucester, the king' uncle, had held the post when Henry VI was a boy. Later, when Henry went insane, Richard of York (the father of Richard III) had held the post. Neither had survived. Humphrey had not been a great protector, but he hardly deserved his arrest in 1447 which led to his death (Rubin, pp. 231-232, though she gives the date of his death as 1448; Seward-Hundred, p. 246). Richard of York had governed reasonably well while in power (Gillingham, p. 82), but had all his acts reversed once out of power and was eventually hounded to death by Margaret of Anjou. (As Gillingham quotes on p. 84, "If Henry's insanity had been a tragedy, his recovery was a national disaster." It left Margaret in power, with no agenda but to pursue her feuds.)
To top it all off, England was in a foreign policy mess. Edward had invaded France in 1475, in association with the Burgundians. but had then let himself be bought off when the Duke of Burgundy went off on a wild goose chase (Kendall, p. 134). Richard opposed the peace (Kendall, p. 136), but Edward accepted a pension from Louis XI and made a deal to marry his daughter Elizabeth to the Dauphin.
Louis XI was playing for time. Burgundy had been the key to English foreign policy since the reign of Henry V. England plus Burgundy could defeat France. England without Burgundy could do nothing. When Charles the Rash of Burgundy died, his heir was a daughter. She married Maximilian of Austria -- and Louis XI, shortly before Edward died, put together a deal which obtained the reversion of a big chunk of Burgundy.
The result was that all of Edward's international policies came crashing down. France no longer needed to fear an alliance between England and Burgundy, which meant the French subsidy that had propped up Edward IV was halted (Fields, p. 61), leaving the English government broke. The French were raiding English property, and might threaten Calais. Louis broke the engagement between the Dauphin and the princess Elizabeth (engaging the Dauphin to the Burgundian heiress instead). Edward had let Burgundy be destroyed because he wanted Louis's money. Now he had neither. Mancini, the Croyland Chronicler, and even Polydore Vergil note that Edward IV himself realized that he was in a real mess (Dockray, p. 122; Commynes would actually suggest that despair over this hastened Edward IV's death; Dockray, p. 143). Croyland says explicitly that Edward "had been tricked by King Louis" (Dockray, p. 124). Plus the Flemish, who had been keeping France busy, agreed to peace terms in 1482 (Dockray, p. 130). And Edward was no longer around to pick up the pieces. Someone else -- someone forceful -- was clearly needed.
The first step once Richard reached London was to postpone Edward's coronation from May 4 to around June 23 (Ross, p. 74) -- a fairly obvious need, since the coronation would presumably eliminate the Lord Protector's role and leave England without a government apart from the Woodville faction. A good regency law would really have helped, but England didn't have such a thing (Hicks, p. 139). Jenkins, p. 145, says that no one even really knew what the Lord Protector was supposed to do, and Ross, p. 75, notes the contradictory precedents of previous minority reigns (e.g. Richard II had been treated as an adult monarch when he cameto the throne at age ten because there was no acceptable regent; Saul, p. 28). There was no custom of queen mothers taking charge -- fortunately, in this case -- but neither was there a clear alternative. The best thing would surely have been to have the Lord Protector be in control until the King came of age -- it appears that some people were preparing for this, according to Ross, p. 75 -- but it never happened.
For, of course, the postponement of the coronation was also a first step toward displacing Edward V. Poole, p. 7, says, "So far all had gone well for Richard and so far he had behaved quite correctly. There was nothing as yet... to suggest that he was the monster that Shakespeare and the Tudor apologists made him out to be.... But perhaps the ease with which the Protector had got his own way with the Council and overcome the Woodvilles now awakened his dormant ambition to be King."
St. Aubyn, pp. 104-107, strongly implies that postponing the coronation was Richard's first move toward the throne, but still admits, "Because Richard finally seized the Crown, it is tempting to see his entire career as directed toward that end. Nevertheless, in April 1483 he had done nothing more than seek his own safety in a swift pre-emptive bid." Hicks, p. 142, says, "United by their hostility to the [Woodvilles], Buckingham and Hastings thought Richard was serving their purpose. What Richard himself intended, apparently a temporary protectorate and management of the new regime, may really have been much more ominous. It appears most likely [read, of course, 'I think but I can't prove it'] that he was already planning to usurp the throne when the time was right."
Wilkinson, p. 298, confesses that "The exact time when [Richard] first directed his ambition towards the throne will probably never be known," and on the same page points out, "If Richard allowed his dignity of Protector to be taken from him, or if what powers he had were diminished rather than increased, it was probable that his complete destruction [presumably at the hands of the Woodvilles] would be only a matter of time." "Thus it can be said in his defence that his enemies did not leave him the luxury of loyalty and moderation. They drove him to usurpation as a measure of self-defence." Yet Wilkinson also adds, on p. 299, that it does not appear that Richard did not "drift" into usurpation and murder; "All his actions seem to fall into a consistent pattern of a cold and deeply calculated design upon the throne."
Cunningham, p. 31, says that at the time of Edward IV's death, "There can be no suggestion at this stage of a conspiracy against Edward V. Rather, the confederation of these nobles [Richard, Buckingham, and Hastings] was probably a move to delay Edward's coronation, since such a ceremony in April 1483 may (sic.) have left the three lords isolated, making it difficult to gain footholds in the Woodville-dominated household and council that would surely have followed."
Seward-Richard, pp. 99-100, will not even admit the possibility that Richard had not already made up his mind; his only question is the point at which Richard *revealed* those ambitions to allies such as Buckingham and Howard; he is sure it was before Richard Duke of York was taken from sanctuary. The one relevant piece of data that Seward-Richard offers (p. 104) is that the Princes in the Tower seem to have been more closely confined after the death of Hastings -- which would seem to imply that Richard by then planned to set Edward V aside.
Yet Cheetham, p. 124, contents that Richard was not planning usurpation at this stage: "The portrait makes better sense if Richard is seen as a man whose eyes were only by degrees opened to the logical consequences of his own actions. His reaction to each succeeding crisis bears the mark of an impulsive man of action taking the short cut to his immediate objective without pausing to work out the long term effects. If Richard is to be judged, then he must be accused of not too much guile but too little." I must say, this fits what appears to be his impetuous personality.
Jenkins, p. 171, remarks that Richard had perhaps set his foot on a slippery slope (a phrasing perhaps inspired by Thomas More, who accuses Richard of building "upon how slippery a ground"; Seward-Richard, p. 111). He had defeated the Woodvilles -- but he had also probably made an enemy of the boy king.
Ross, pp. 64-65, sums up this way: "The extraordinary problems of the evidence are highlighted by the difficulty which historians have always found in providing a convincing answer to one vital question: when, and why, did Richard decide to seek the throne for himself. We need not take seriously the Tudor back-projection, that he was planning to make himself king before the death of Edward IV, for he could not have anticipated that his vigorous, if debauched, brother would die at the age of forty. Was the violent seizure of Edward V at Stony Stratford a planned step on the way to the throne? Few historians would dare claim this with any certainty.... Most scholars now tend to connect his final decision with the execution of Hastings on 13 June.... But even this is not without its difficulties. Was the violent action against Hastings an essential move in a pre-conceived plan, or did he decide only later, in the realization that his action was irreversible, and that having gone so far, he could only go further.... It has recently been argued that only as late as 20 June, two days before he claimed the throne, did he finally admit to himself that 'the spectre of continuing crises and conflicts' could only be dispelled by eliminating 'the one common bond among his enemies, loyalty to Edward V.'"
Ross seems to think this position extreme, and I agree. But it shows how little we know of Richard's plans. Ross, p. 78, notes that the two most important contemporary observers (Mancini and Croyland) thought that Richard had decided to take the throne by the end of May. But both wrote this after his usurpation. Ross eventually (page 83) comes down firmly for dating Richard's decision to the time of the execution of Hastings. (This also strikes me as the most likely time, though this does not make the matter certain. As Ross says, every possibilitiy raises difficulties; this one merely raises the fewest.)
On the other hand, St. Aubyn, p. 107, declares that "the majority of his early historians believed that he plotted to seize the Throne the moment his brother died." (To be sure, the early historians were all living under the Tudors, and didn't dare say anything else -- and not even St. Aubyn accuses Richard of plotting *before* Edward IV died.)
If the execution of Lord Hastings is the key moment, it is an event we know little about. Thomas More gave us a detailed version of the council meeting at which Hastings was arrested -- but he claims that Richard at this time declared his arm suddenly withered (Seward-Richard, p. 102, which actually repeats the whole scene as fantasized by More -- recall that More was not a witness, and even if he had this from Morton, Morton by his own account was not present for much of the conversation!). Since the arm was *never* withered, let alone suddenly by witchcraft, it's clear that the account is unreliable (Fields, p. 91). 
Jenkins, pp. 170-171, thinks that it was the execution of Hastings, which took place right after the meeting and arrest, which started people questioning Richard's motives. Certainly it is one of the biggest blots on his record. It was Hastings -- the former bosom friend of Edward IV -- who had first warned Richard about the Woodville conspiracy. Yet Hastings, according to Richard's charges, was soon sending messages to Elizabeth Woodville (using, of all people, Edward's old mistress Jane Shore as intermediary; Jenkins, pp. 162; Seward-Richard, p. 100, notes that even the anti-Richard historian Gairdner accepted this peculiar messenger), and that caused Richard to turn against his former ally. Jenkins, p. 163, seems to feel that it was at this time that Richard started thinking about the throne, because he could not trust a parliament to confirm his powers.
Richard's charges against Hastings may well have been unfair -- Ross, p. 81, calls the evidence "slight indeed,." But it was a strange turnabout, since Hastings and the Woodvilles had been trading accusations and spying on each other shortly before (Ross, p. 39). Richard, having disposed of Hastings, started calling his supporters to London (Jenkins, pp. 164-165).
It seems unlikely that many people held up Hastings as a paragon of virtue before his death, given the nature of his friendship with Edward IV. But, afterward, all that was forgotten. People started to wonder about what Richard was doing (Ross, p. 85). Ross calls the killing of Hastings an "irreversible" step toward taking the throne. It also removed the strongest member of the already-too-small moderate faction (that hostile to the Woodvilles, loyal to Edward V, and not inherently hostile to Richard).
Edward V's younger brother Richard Duke of York was at this time with his mother in sanctuary, but Richard of Gloucester eventually managed to lure him from there. It's not clear how. More claimed that Richard in effect told his mother to give him up voluntarily or he'd be taken by force; Jenkins, pp. 166-167. But that section of More seems very artificial. Hicks, p. 160, says that the Duke of York was simply "removed" from sanctuary, but does not footnote his basis for the statement. Ross, pp. 86-87, says that the Archbishop of Canterbury was somehow involved but admits that the sources are not clear on whether the boy was given up voluntarily or by force. Cunningham, p. 40, also says that the Archbishop was involved but can add little else. Fields, p. 94, offers the suggestion that Elizabeth may have been feeling resignation by then, while admitting the possibility of arm-twisting.
Poole, p. 16, makes the interesting observation that Elizabeth's relations with Richard III were cordial toward the end of the latter's reign -- very strange if she believed he had killed her sons! (Though Ross, p. 100, and Cunningham, p. 45, manage to regard her exit from sanctuary as evidence against Richard: They argue that Elizabeth would never have accepted his olive branch if she thought there were any chance her sons could still succeed Richard, and that this was therefore proof that Richard had killed the princes. This makes very little sense to me, but I suppose we'd better note this opinion).
It is noteworthy that, as soon as he had Richard of York in his possession, Richard of Gloucester issued writs cancelling what was to have been Edward V's first parliament -- the one to establish the new administration (Ross, p. 87).
Even that was possibly a justified step. Maybe. If so, tt was the last thing Richard did which was defensible if you assume the princes were the proper heirs to the throne. The events of the next two months form the basis of the great controversy over Richard III. As Seward-Richard says on page 19,"The whole controversy about Richard III hinges on the interpretation of a very brief part of his life.... The usurpation of April to July 1483 is the one time when we are reasonably well informed about him" (which statement, however, is false -- Seward claims to have four sources, Croyland, Mancini, More, and Vergil. But, of course, the latter two are secondary. There is no denying that this period is the crux -- but in fact our information is utterly inadequate). When the period began, Richard was Lord Protector and Edward V was expected to be crowned in the near future. When it ended, Richard was on the throne and Edward V was one of the "Princes in the Tower," the subject of the greatest mystery in English history.
Richard now started taking steps that would certainly Edward V to hate him if by any chance he didn't hate him already. He executed Edward V's tutor Thomas Vaughan, who seems by all accounts to have been completely harmless, and a friend of the boy's. Plus he executed Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers, who also had been captured at Stony Stratford (Ross, pp. 87-88). It is hard to imagine Richard doing this if he ever expected Edward V to take the throne.  Richard would probably have six years of power as Lord Protector -- but what could he expect when Edward V came of age? Of all the things Richard did, this is, to my mind, the most inexcusable.
Soon after, people began to hear whispers about the legitimacy of Edward V and his family. St. Aubyn, pp. 142-143, thinks Richard arranged for a cleric by the name of Ralph Shaa (sometimes spelled "Shaw"; so Poole, p. 8; or Sha, in Seward-Richard, p. 84), the brother of the Lord Mayor of London, to preach a sermon on the subject on June 23. Thomas More, a source for this tale, thought Richard was supposed to arrive in the middle of the sermon (Seward-Richard, p. 105), and blew it -- but, of course, this is yet another thing More simply cannot have known (and Seward should have known he could not have known). Seward-Richard, p. 106, claims that "other preachers delivered similar sermons." As usual, he cites no source for this statement.
Whether Richard was behind it or not, the underlying text of Shaa's sermon is agreed by all authorities to be "Bastard slips shall not take root" (St. Aubyn, p. 146; Kendall, p. 263; Jenkins, p. 172; Seward-Roses, p. 271)..
This is an interesting quotation in several senses. For starters, the source is Wisdom of Solomon 4:3. Wisdom of Solomon was at this time of uncertain canonical status; it is not part of the Hebrew Bible. Protestants have by and large rejected it. The Catholic church would eventually affirm its canonicity, but not until the Council of Trent more than half a century after Richard's time. Since England was Catholic, it used the Vulgate Latin version, but this was one of the books Jerome never translated from Greek into Latin, so the Vulgate used a very poor text.
The English translation is somewhat dubious, too. The Latin reads "spuria vitulamina non dabunt radices altas nec stabile firmamentum conlacabunt." Remember that, at this time, there was no English translation of the Bible accepted by Catholics (Wycliffe's translation, the only one available and the one Richard owned, was officially banned by the Catholic church, partly because it was heretical but mostly because it was simply something lay people could understand. It in any case has a rather different rendering: "plauntyngis of auoutrie schulen not yyue deepe rootis" -- "plantings of adultery shall not have deep roots." The New Revised Standard Version reads "The prolific brood of the ungodly will be of no use, and none of their illegitimate seedlings will strike a deep root"). Preachers had to make up their own translation, and Shaa's version, while technically sort of correct, ignores context: The verse is really about the progeny of the unrighteous, and is not a condemnation of bastardy but a warning to those who stray from righteousness. So Shaa was preaching from a dubious rendering of a dubious book!
Although we know his text, there are conflicting accounts of what conclusion Shaa preached (Kendall, p. 318). Among moderns, Hicks, p. 160, says that Shaa argued that Edward V was illegitimate. Ross, p. xxxix, thinks Shaa was arguing that *Edward IV* was illegitimate and that Richard III was the proper heir to the throne.
Fields, pp. 96-98, gives a list of what the early sources said about the sermon: Fabyan (near-contemporary) says that Shaa declared only the princes illegitimate. Croyland (contemprary) seems to say that same, but does not mention Shaa directly. Mancini (contemporary) reports that "corrupted preachers" called Edward IV illegitimate. More (not contemporary) has Shaa declare the princes illegitimate and hint at illegitimacy for Edward and George of Clarence. Vergil (not contemporary) says that Shaa declared Edward IV a bastard -- and caused Edward's mother to become very upset; Vergil also mentions the claim that the princes were illegitimate, but does not mention the precontract that would have rendered them so and does not link the claim of their bastardy with Shaa.
The claim that Edward IV was illegitimate is not as crazy as it sounds; the family claim to the throne came through their father Richard Duke of York, and Richard of York was short and dark. Edward IV was very tall, and he was fair-haired, as were most of Richard of York's other children. Only Richard III, who was dark-haired and not especially tall (Ross, p. 139) really resembled his father (Seward-Richard, p. 84, says he bore a "striking" resemblance to Richard of York. Seward also calls Richard III "very short," which seems not to have been true except by comparison to his very tall brother; the authorities Seward cites are not Croyland or Commynes, who knew him, but Vergil, who did not, and Rous, who would say anything. Unfortunately, Richard's body has vanished, so we cannot measure his height).
Jenkins, p. 110, says that George of Clarence had spread rumors that Edward was illegitimate, and Hicks, p. 52, agrees that such rumors were in circulation in 1469, spread because of Warwick's rebellion that year, and encouraged by the fact that Edward was born at Rouen (apparently Louis XI "the spider king," who loved to mess with other people's minds, at one time claimed that Edward was the son of Cecily Neville and a French archer!). Seward-Richard, p. 39, even says that Duchess Cicely had threatened to call Edward IV illegitimate when he married Elizabeth Woodville (though, as usual when a point is important, he doesn't offer a source). He also suggests that this gave Richard an idea for future use. More likely, if it happened at all, the Duchess's statement gave George ideas.
The problem with the 1469 rumors, which made George, not Edward, the heir was that George looked a lot like Edward; if Edward was a bastard, then George probably was too.
Dockray, p. 2, tells us that an examination of Edward IV's skeleton in 1789 revealed that he was six foot three. Fields, p. 101, observes that his brother George of Clarence was five foot five -- probably no bigger than Richard. (Strangely, everyone seems to have regarded Clarence as tall -- Seward-Richard, p. 41. He wasn't short for the time, but he was far smaller than Edward.) But George was blonde, like Edward and unlike Richard. It's quite a difference in height -- but it's also worth remembering that Edward was already in his teens when the Wars of the Roses got serious. George was still quite young. It is just my speculation -- but some of his shortness may have been the inadequate diet he perhaps suffered while fleeing all over England when he was supposed to be having growth spurts.
 Hicks, p. 26, does cite a modern authority who thinks, based on what is known about the locations of Richard Duke of York and Cicely Neville at the time of Edward IV's conception, that Edward actually was not the son of the Duke of York, but this is very thin evidence. Hicks, p. 165, mentions the possibility of DNA testing -- but, to this date, it has not been done. And, given that Elizabeth II has denied permission to test the bodies claimed to be those of the Princes in the Tower, I doubt she would allow a test of Edward IV's DNA either. And it's worth remembering that while Edward IV didn't look like his father, he *did* a lot like the earlier Plantagenets, who were mostly tall, blond, and handsome.
Jenkins, p. 173, quotes More to the effect that Shaa's sermon was greeted with such disdain that he went into hiding, and Ross, p. 92, cites the Great Chronicle to the effect that Shaa lost his popularity and died not long after. But eventually a tale emerged in which Edward IV was rightful king but Richard was his heir. It became the Official Party Line, because there was a bishop behind it: According to Commynes, Robert Stillington, Bishop of Bath and Wells, came forward to say that Edward IV, before he married his official wife Elizabeth Woodville, had been engaged to one Eleanor Butler (St. Aubyn, pp. 156-157; Kendall; pp. 257-258; Fields, p. 111). And if he promised to marry her, but didn't, who can doubt that he was deceiving her to get into her bed? No other explanation makes sense, knowing Edward IV. Additional evidence that Stillington was the one who announced the "precontract" comes from the fact that Henry VII later had him imprisoned without charge (Fields, p. 116).
Since engagement was considered equivalent to marriage, and Butler was still alive when Edward married Elizabeth Woodville, the promise, or "precontract," would have made Edward IV's marriage to Elizabeth bigamous and his children illegitimate and unable to inherit. (Richard's later document affirming his right to the throne also claimed that the Woodvilles had seduced Edward IV by magic -- Hicks, p. 163; Seward-Richard, p. 108 -- which to our modern ears makes the rest of his claim less plausible, but this is not really relevant. The marriage also was done without consent of Parliament; how much of a legal barrier this was is harder to state, but probably not much of one; past princes -- including Richard III himself -- had married without parliamentary consent. All that really matters is the precontract: Did Edward IV promise marriage to Eleanor Butler, or did he not?)
We should confess that our sources for this, apart from Richard's official explanation for taking the throne, are thin. Commynes said that Stillington "revealed to the Duke of Gloucester that King Edward, being very enamored of a certain English lady, promised to marry her, provided that he could sleep with her first, and she consented. The bishop said that he had merried them when only he and they were present" (Dockray, pp. 45-46).
Curiously, Sir Thomas More knew the story of the precontract, but did not know the name of the woman involved, and so inserted the name of Elizabeth Lucy. (At least, this is what most authorities think is the reason for the change, since he could not look her name up in the suppressed parliamentary records. Fields, though, suggests on p. 286 that the change was deliberate -- Elizabeth Lucy was a nobody, but Eleanor Butler was a daughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury and not likely to be forgotten or ignored, so More had to suppress mention of her.) Rubin, p. 312, makes another interesting point: That this sort of suit for annulment on the grounds of precontract was common at this time; what made it unusual was simply the fact that it was a third party, not one of the participants, who wanted the marriage declared invalid.
Although the claim of Edward IV's own bastardy is implausible (and his mother apparently raised a stink about it), there is nothing inherently implausible about the claim of the precontract, however, is perfectly plausible. Hicks, pp. 37-48, observes that the marriage between Edward and Elizabeth Woodville had also been secret; Dockray, p. 41, cites six early sources to this effect; the citations on pp. 46-47 show that few members even of their families knew about it -- e.g. FabianÕs Chronicle reports that "almost none but [Elizabeth Woodville's] mother was of council." The marriage was not revealed until Edward was forced to admit it to stop foreign negotiations for another marriage -- and it was greeted with incredulity among the nobles (Dockray, p. 41, has 11 sources for this. One of them, Gregory's Chronicle, notes that it was half a year before Edward revealed his marriage, and another half year before Elizabeth was crowned queen; Dockray, p. 44).
Hicks speculates that Edward had tried to trick Elizabeth into his bed, and she counter-trapped him somehow (perhaps by having witnesses to overhear?). But if Edward *did* try some sort of false promise of marriage with Elizabeth, it of course makes it more likely that he might have done so with other women before he met her. Fields, p. 83, mentions that, soon after Clarence was executed, Stillington was also imprisoned. We don't know what he was accused of; it sounds as if the record was suppressed (Fields, p. 84). This hints that perhaps Stillington blabbed the story to Clarence (cf. Cheetham, p. 118) -- a strange thing to do if the story wasn't true, since clearly Edward would be very unhappy if word leaked.
Unlike Hicks, Dockray, p. 4, argues that Edward IV genuinely fell on love (as opposed to lust) with Elizabeth Woodville -- but lists on p. 5 the sources that tell the story of her refusing to sleep with him unless he married her. On p. 45, he quotes Mancini's version, in which Edward supposedly held a knife to her throat and was once again refused. The story that she refused him unless he married her, which is the indirect justification for the attack on Edward's marriage, was very widespread.
The more I think about it, the more it seems to me that the easiest explanation for the Shaa sermon is as follows: By the time Shaa preached, Richard of Gloucester was at least contemplating a bid for the throne, but had little claim. He had Shaa preach of Edward's bastardy, perhaps as a first step in Richard seizing the throne, perhaps to test the reaction. Obviously it went over like a lead balloon -- but Bishop Stillington, seeing which way the wind was blowing, came forward with the story of the precontract. Whether true or false, this was direct evidence of the princes' bastardy, and so was adopted as a reason to set them aside.
This raises a sore point among historians: Was Richard entitled to declare the children a bastard? In terms of legal inheritance of property, the answer at that time is certainly "no." Hicks, p. 165, says that the matter should properly have been left to church courts, and Seward-Richard, p. 120, agrees, and I've read the same thing in other places. But this ignores the real-world problem: Under what circumstances is it practical for the church to declare the son of a king illegitimate? The answer is -- none. Edward IV would never have permitted it, since it would leave him without an heir. If the claim were asserted after the coronation of Edward V, then that king would have even more reason to suppress it. The only way to properly investigate was to bring in impartial experts at a time when there was no king. But there had to be a king! Thus, though Hicks et al would be correct for any other position in the land, I must respectfully disagree with their conclusions as regards the kingship. In that case, judgment *had to* rest with Parliament, which was responsible for regulating the succession. (Better still, of course, if it was done by the King and Parliament, as we shall see elsewhere, but that was impossible in this case.)
It is, it must be said, a black mark against Richard that he never really ordered an investigation into the point. He just took Stillington's story and ran with it; he quickly had Edward V declared a bastard. That should have given the throne to the children of Edward's next brother George of Clarence -- but Edward IV himself had had George executed on a well-deserved charge of treason, and George's attainder was generally held to disbar his children (Hicks, p. 163; Ross, pp. 91-92. Both note that being attainted did not automatically mean that a man could not become king. This is true, but I think the general sense at the time was that an act of attainder, *if not repealed*, would bar one's offspring from the succession. And the act of attainder, according to Fields, p. 59, had specifically disbarred Clarence's children from the succession. This decision, we note, was enacted by Edward IV; one suspects the Woodvilles -- who arranged the whole case against Clarence -- had wanted to be sure there were no more pro-Clarence conspiracies. But, with their usual tendency to ignore long-term problems in the quest for short-term advantage, they had made Richard III the heir should Edward IV's children be unable to succeed.)
With the candidates senior to him disbarred, Richard could, at least theoretically, take the crown himself as the letitimate heir of Edward IV. The parliament scheduled for 1483 did not officially meet; Richard's only parliament was summoned for 1484, and made the transfer of power official with the passage of _Titulus Regius_ (Seward-Roses, p. 272, and Cunningham, p. 60, give portions of the text) -- though Hicks, p. 162, says that it is effectively identical to the document of 1483 giving Richard the crown. That document was accepted by a sort of quasi-parliamentary meeting (Ross, p. 93).
On a side note, some have questioned whether illegitimacy should have disbarred Edward V. Hicks, p. 164, argues that William the Conqueror had been illegitimate. However, that was the *Norman* succession, and irrelevant. Hicks also notes the succession of Henry IV -- but that too is irrelevant since Henry IV's descendents had been deprived of the throne. In any case, Henry IV was entirely legitimate; he just wasn't the legal heir. Finally, Hicks mentions the succession of Henry VII -- as if that illegal succession had anything to say about the *earlier* succession of Richard III! And Henry VII, unlike his ancestors in both the Beaufort and Tudor lines, was a legitimate child; it's just that, like Henry IV, he wasn't legal heir.
History is clear: In England, legitimacy was an absolute requirement for a monarch -- something which had been established as early as the grandson of William the Conqueror. The Conqueror's son Henry I, when he died, left behind several dozen bastards, one of whom -- Robert of Gloucester -- was clearly extremely competent and would surely have commanded universal support had he been legitimate. But he wasn't, and so the crown went to the disastrous King Stephen. (Warren-Henry, p. 17: "Fate was unkind to Robert of Gloucester. If he had not had the wrong mother he would have been the unquestioned king of England on his father's death, and the claims of Matilda and the pretensions of Stephen would have been unknown to history. [Thus saving England a civil war.] By all the evidence he was well fitted to rule.")
In any case, think of the chaos if all illegitimate children could succeed -- Edward IV is known to have had three illegitimate sons (Hicks, p. 25), and in all likelihood (given his habits) there were actually at least a dozen others -- and you could easily have children claiming to be his bastards even if they weren't, should the succession be open to them. In the absence of DNA testing, it made *sense* that only legitimate children could succeed.
Fields devotes four pages (pp. 118-121) to the issue of Edward's succession; as a lawyer, his summary is "Assuming that there was, in fact, a precontract, Richard's assertion that the princes were disqualified as rulers and that he was the rightful king was not only a colorable claim but a strong one."
To sum up: Richard's taking the throne was actually proper and legal -- *if* (and only if) Stillington's story was true. And Jenkins, p. 174, notes that, while the people hadn't seemed enthusiastic about Richard displacing Edward V, parliament gave less trouble. Some doubtless remembered Henry VI and were afraid of another royal minority. Jenkins recalls also the precedent of the Witan, which before the Norman Conquest had selected the King (though of course the Witan was defunct in 1483). And, as she notes, "no one was in doubt" of Richard of Gloucester's ability to rule. (Well, other than Seward and Weir, anyway, and they don't count.)
It is easy to see why the precontract generated controversy. According to Bishop Stillington's own account, there were only three witnesses, Stillington, Edward IV, and Eleanor Butler, and the latter two were dead. So it all depended on Stillington's word.
For doubters not convinced by this, Richard could also point to the undeniable fact that child-kings had been disastrous for England -- Edward the Martyr was murdered. Ethelred II "the Unready" was unable to face the Danish invasions. Henry III was nearly overthrown for incompetence. Richard II had turned despot. And Henry VI had been perhaps the worst King in English history. (The counter-argument being that Edward V was older than any of those child kings -- only a couple of years younger than the brilliant Edward III when that king succeeded, though Edward III had not taken power into his own hands until three years later.) Still, if I'd been living then, and known what could be known in 1483, I would rather have had Richard III than Edward V as king. Would I have wanted it enough to overthrow Edward V? I don't know. Would I have wanted Richard III to be king so badly that I would countenance the murder of Edward V? To that, I am forced to say "No."
Hicks, pp. 32-33, is not clear on what to believe; he thinks it odd that Butler did not make more noise about the marriage if she had been tricked, but observes that Edward IV could have used a promise of marriage to get into her bed, then told her that he simply would not go through with it -- and, without witnesses, she could prove nothing.
Fields, pp. 58-59, thinks there is some secondary evidence. Butler, who died in 1468, was said to have ended her life in a convent, never having married after the alleged precontract (Fields, p. 111). There is a story that she had an illegitimate child. For a woman of high birth, this is astounding (though poorly attested; if Eleanor was truly contracted to Edward, their child would have been rightful monarch of England, but there seems to have been no hint of this). 
Edward's appetite for women was almost proverbial. Mancini reported, "He was licentious in the extreme; moreover, it was said that he had been most insolent to numerous women after he had seduced them, for, as soon as he grew weary of dalliance, he gave up the ladies much against their will to other courtiers. He pursued with no discrimination the married and unmarried, the noble and the lowly; however, he took none by force. He overcame all by money and promises and, having conquered them, dismissed them" (Dockray, p. 13). Thomas More declared, "[N]o woman was there anywhere, young or old, rich or poor, whom he set his eye upon... but without fear of God or respect of his honour, murmur or grudge of the world, he would importunately pursue his appetite and have her, to the great destruction of man a good woman" (Dockray, p. 14).
Edward IV was perhaps England's lustiest liege since Henry I three and a half centuries earlier. His gluttony eventually killed him. If he really wanted a woman who spurned him, might he not offer marriage? He did with Elizabeth Woodville....
Remember, in this context, that Edward married Elizabeth Woodville secretly. Had the marriage been public, perhaps Eleanor could have objected. But how could she object to a marriage she didn't know was happening?
The flip side is, Stillington wasn't exactly a paragon of virtue -- according to Weir, p. 202, he had an illegitimate son. On the other hand, he had little reason to lie in 1483 -- he was by this time an old man, and he gained no rewards from Richard III, according to Fields, p. 110.
It's all very thin evidence; we simply cannot be sure, at this late date, whether the precontract was real. We can only confess that it was possible.
As for whether the precontract was real -- the question simply cannot be answered today. Historians have argued both ways. Improbably enough. Seward-Richard, p. 105, admits that "there may [have been] some truth in Sha[a]'s story," though he obviously denies its significance. Ross, p. 89, considers Richard's claims against his brother's marriage "each inherently weak and implausible," and on  p. 91, seems sure Stillington's tale is a fabrication. Harvey, p. 195, thinks it likely on the grounds that so many -- including parliament -- accepted it at the time, but this too seems weak; parliament would doubtless have done the most expedient thing, not the "right" thing. Poole, p. 8, argues that it must have been false because Butler was a Lancastrian, and married the Lancastrian Earl of Shrewsbury, and so wouldn't have gone near a Yorkist. This strikes me as weak -- after all, Elizabeth Woodville came from a Lancastrian family (Dockray, p. 41) and went on to marry Edward IV!  Cheatham, p. 119, observes that 'There is in fact no reason to suppose that the story was not true; Edward could never resist a pretty face and troth plight was a common device for coaxing reluctant virgins to bed." 
Personally, I think it not unlikely that the precontract was real. And, if real, it would have barred the succession of Edward V. That is all we can say now.
According to Mancini, after Stillington's story came out, Richard took off the black of mourning and started dressing in purple (Jenkins, p. 173; Cheetham, p. 120). Clearly he was now looking toward the throne -- though he reportedly feigned surprise when it was offered to him (Cheetham, pp. 121-123). He scheduled his coronation for July 6, 1483 (Ross, p. 93)  and set about the business of kingship --including a series of reforms which we shall cover below.
Cheatham, p. 129, says, "But first the three men who had made his usurpation possible received their rewards. Buckingham had the lion's share: he was appointed Constable and Great Chamberlain of England. In addition Richard recognized his long-standing claim to a huge part of the de Bohun unheritance.... To the Earl of Northumberland went the wardenship of the West March [with Scotland; he was already in charge of the East March] and Richard's palatinate in Cumberland. John Howard, the newly-created Duke of Norfolk, received crown lands... in Suffolk, Essex, Kent, and Cambridgeshire. The princely extent of these grants, which virtually created three principalities in Wales and the West Country, in the North, and in East Anglia, showed how desperately narrow had become the clique on which Richard's power rested." (Though Richard seems to have realized this; as Cheetham goes on to observe on pp. 161-162, the king later gave much of Buckingham's wealth to lesser men, trying to build up a new faction: "The harsh lessons of the careers of Warwick and Montagu, Clarence and Buckingham had taught Richard not to build his fortunes solely on the shifting sands of baronial loyalty." Unfortunately, he had to rely mostly on northern men whom he knew, and they were too few and too weak -- and too resented by Southerners -- to become a force during Richard's brief reign.) Time would prove that his choices were not always good....
>> THE UNKNOWN FATE OF THE PRINCES <<
Richard III's coronation left the problem of what to do with Edward (V) and Richard of York, the two brothers held in the Tower  of London -- soon to be known as "The Princes in the Tower." It is important to note that, though the boys were lodged in the Tower, putting them there was not a sinister behavior; it was the Tudors who created its dreadful reputation. The Tower was primarily a fortress, where the boys could be kept safe,but it was also still a palace; the boys's sister Elizabeth would die there -- as Queen of England! (Poole, p. 7). It was probably the best place for the boys -- although there were a half dozen royal residences around London, Westminster (the primary one) was too close to where Elizabeth Woodville had taken sanctuary (Seward-Richard, p. 98). And the other palaces were too far from the government center. It had to be the Tower, which was the #2 or #3 royal residence anyway (Hicks, p. 151).
In a time of relative stability, the two boys probably would not have been a threat to Richard. But whom one bishop or parliament could declare a bastard, another could re-legitimize (cf. Ashley, p. 623). The princes were a pawn any power-seeker could seize on. And England had been through thirty years of civil war; there were many barons out to feather their own nests.
The boys did not immediately disappear, but Edward had of course lost his titles, and Richard III soon moved to take away Richard of York's titles as well (Jenkins, p. 175, notes how Richard of York's title Duke of Norfolk was given to Lord John Howard. This is frankly a very strange situation. York had been given the title because he was married as an infant to Anne Mowbray, the Ducal heir. But she had died in 1481, with the marriage obviously not only childless but unconsummated. The key to marriage was consummation -- that's why Edward's promise to Eleanor Butler could be regarded as binding! True, the title was supposed to remain York's even if Anne Mowbray died childless; Fields, p. 54. Edward IV had later given the Norfolk title to York unconditionally and for life; Seward-Richard, p. 97. This made the transfer to Howard illegal, according to Jenkins. On the other hand John Howard was pretty clearly the heir if Anne Mowbray had been unmarried, so he had a strong claim to the Dukedom. And, unlike a pre-pubescent boy, he could actually use it -- important in those troubled times. And the Howard family certainly used it well; descendents of John Howard would win the Battle of Flodden and defeat the Spanish Armada. The Howard family still has the Norfolk Dukedom, making their house the senior Ducal family in England.)
Over the summer, the boys were seen less and less often, though Jenkins, in talking of the withdrawal of their privileges, constantly uses words such as "it is said," rather than citing an actual source. Seward-Richard, p. 113, says that they were moved to more guarded quarters the day Richard executed Hastings. But, contrary to what Shakespeare would have us believe, the princes' fates are completely unknown. Seward, pp. 120-125, tries to catalog the evidence. Had he looked at the evidence without prejudice, he would have seen how thin it is -- effectively non-existent. Let us summarize:
Almost the only non-Tudor testimony we have is that of Mancini, who wrote in late 1483 that the boys had been seen "more rarely" toward the end of his visit to England (which ended in the summer of 1483), but that no one knew their fate (Kendall, p. 466; Jenkins, p. 176; Seward-Richard, pp. 120-121). Mancini did suspect that Richard would soon dispose of the boys if he hadn't already (Cheetham, p. 141).
Commynes gives conflicting testimony, at one point blaming Buckingham for disposing of the princed, elsewhere blaming Richard. The obvious conclusion is that he didn't know what happened. He thought the princes were dead before France's Louis XI died in late August 1483 (Seward-Richard, p. 121).
The first definite mention of them being dead comes from a French reference in January 1484 (Seward-Richard, p. 121). Given the nature of the situation, this is clear evidence that people thought the princes had been killed, but it is not in fact evidence that they were dead. Kendall, p. 468, and Cheetham, p. 141, doubt the value of this mention by the French Chancellor Rochefort; they believe it came from Mancini, who was merely hypothesizing, and think Rochefort, in typical political fashion, turned a possibility into a fact.
The last time they were seen by the public seems to have been July 1483, though the Croyland Chronicler says they were still around as late as September (Weir, p. 149). Weir seems to think this conclusive evidence that they were still alive, since Croyland was in the government, but by that argument he should also have known something about their death, and he didn't. I think we can only say that they died no earlier than July, with the latest possible date being early in the reign of Henry Tudor but an extremely high likelihood that they were dead before Buckingham's rebellion. Croyland does say that people *suspected* they had been killed by late 1483 (Kendall, p. 469), but never actually says that they were -- indeed, Cheetham, p. 141 says "the wording [of Croyland's account] here implies that the rumour may well have been spread by [Buckingham's] rebels with malice aforethought."
Henry VII's 1486 act claiming the throne accuses Richard of "shedding of infants' blood" (Seward-Richard, p. 121). This appears to be the first open mention of the crime in England. Even if you ignore the fact that it offers no details at all, it will be clear that it has no evidentiary value -- Henry VII *had* to blame Richard, but apparently did not know what actually happened.
The main evidence appealed to by Seward and Weir is, of course, the account of Thomas More (quoted in detail, e.g. by Cheetham, pp. 142-146). It is extremely circumstantial, naming names all over the place -- some of them familiar to history as servants of Richard, such as Sir Richard Ratcliffe, Sir William Catesby, and Sir James Tyrell, some unknown  such as the conveniently-named "'Black' William Slaughter." In this account, Richard gives (far too public) orders for the murder of the princes, which Tyrell proceeds to carry out by the hand of accomplices. The bodies are secretly buried near the Tower -- and then secretly exhumed and moved by an unnamed priest.
As Cheetham comments on page 146, "More's account, written in 1513, carries a certain glib conviction, because he claims as his source the confession of the alleged assassin, Sir James Tyrell, who was executed for treason in 1502. But to accept it at face value rasies a number of unanswerable questions: why would Sir James make such a damaging confession? Why did Henry VII never have it taken down in writing anc circulated? Why does his official historian, Polydore Vergil, omit all mention of the confession?"
It is extremely curious that More, who has had a lot of trouble with dates and facts until this point, is so circumstantial. Was he working from a copy of Tyrell's confession? There is every reason to think Henry faked this account. There were no bodies and no living witnesses; Tyrell, the alleged murderer, was executed without making a public statement (Fields, p. 231; he notes on p. 232 that the public record of Tyrell's execution refers only to treason in aiding the Earl of Suffolk, the brother of Richard's heir the Earl of Lincoln). Weir, pp. 243-248, devotes a chapter to More's account of Tyrell's alleged confession, then on p. 249, says that Tyrell's confession was "suppressed." This, of course, makes no sense -- Henry VII needed it to be public.
And why should Tyrell confess anyway? It has been argued that he wanted absolution -- but that's a matter for the confessional, not a public declaration. Confessing merely gave a weapon to the man who was about to execute him!
The real problem is, if More knew where the bodies were buried, why didn't someone tell Henry Tudor? As Jenkins, p. 195, observes, Henry cannot have known where they were, or he would have exhumed them in 1485 or 1486 to stop the pretenders. It is curious to note that, when Henry VII came to London, he seems to have made no attempt at all to find out what had happened to Edward V and Richard of York (Fields, p. 189); this is one of the reasons why the most extreme defenders of Richard accuse Henry Tudor of killing the boys (I remember Thomas B. Costain making a big argument about this in _The Last Plantagenets_, though it was more wishful thinking than actual reasoning).
Of course, the possibility exists that someone invented More's unnamed priest who moved the bodies to justify why Henry VII couldn't find them. But if we don't know who the priest was, how do we know he did anything? More's excessive details, far from bolstering his case as Seward and Weir claim, makes it weaker -- take out Slaughter and the claim of Tyrell's confession and the unnamed priest, and *then* you have an account which works. But there is no basis for this shortened version of More's tale.
Note, too, that the bodies which are claimed to be those of the princes were found where More said they were *before* the unnamed priest came along! This says that either the bodies are not those of the princes or that More's tale is inaccurate in its conclusion. Either way, More is at least half wrong. As Poole says on p. 10, "No credit can be placed on the Tyrell story as reported by Sir Thomas More.")
Hicks allows a sort of pseudo-justification for murder of the princes -- that deposed kings had to die (Hicks, pp. 168-170). He notes the cases of Edward II, Richard II, and Henry VI. We might also mention that King John likely murdered his rival Arthur of Brittany. Certainly being an ex-king was a very dangerous career choice. But William the Conqueror had spared Edgar the Atheling, the heir of the Saxon dynasty, and (admittedly this was later) Lady Jane Grey would be spared after the first attempt to place her on the throne; they didn't kill her until after the second try. And, contrary to what Hicks asserts, Edward V was *not* ever the actual king, since he was never crowned. So it does not *automatically* follow that Richard would have killed his nephews. It was not the Yorkists who slaughtered their rivals (the Beauforts mostly were allowed to live, except when actually found on the battlefield, though not trusted too much); it was the Tudors who elevated murder-for-being-alive to an art form,, as Henry VII executed Clarence's son the Earl of Warwick and Henry VIII killed the Earl of Suffolk (Richard's nephew), the Duke of Buckingham (the son of Richard's Duke), the Marquess of Exeter, the Countess of Salisbury (Clarence's daughter), and even Lord Montagu, who had almost no Plantagenet blood at all.
In passing judgment on all these men, we must remember that it was a cruel age. Henry V, the allegedly great king, had ordered a friend of his burned at the stake, and had watched as another "heretic" was burned. John Tiptoft, responsible for "justice" under Edward IV, was so cruel that he executed children too young even to understand that they were being killed (Dockray, p. 32). Margaret of Anjou had murdered Edward IV's younger brother Edmund of Rutland -- one version of the story has it that this was after he had been made to watch his father being killed, and while this is an after-the-fact legend, it shows how Margaret treated other enemies. Traitors at this time were half-hung then drawn and quartered -- eviscerated while alive. (This would be the fate of Perkin Warbeck, for instance.) It was Henry VIII, not Richard III, who executed those who denied transubstantiation -- even after the Anglican revolution! (Halliday, p. 89). *Everyone* was bloody-handed by our standards; the question is not whether they were cruel but whether they were more or less cruel than others of the period. And Richard, based on all things other than the fate of the princes, seems to have been less cruel than most.
Several stories circulated about the Princes' fate. The Burgundian chronicler Molinet thought they were walled up in a room and left to die (Poole, p. 9). And Ross, p. 97, has a tale of skeletons being found in a walled-up room that were said to be theirs. This was published in 1647, though Fields, p. 247, says that the actual discovery came earlier. But all evidence of this has vanished, and Ross dismisses it.
Potter, p. 230, points out a story that the bodies were thrown in the Thames, but there is even less evidence for this.
Much more significant was the discovery, in 1674, of a coffin found under a stairway outside the Tower of London (Weir, p. 252). Details about the original find are unfortunately murky; it appears the cottin and the bones it contained were actually tossed on a rubbish heap for a time (Potter, p. 229; Fields, p. 240). We do know that , when recovered and opened, the coffin contained the bodies of two young children. (When it was reopened later, it was also found to contain oddities such as pig bones; Weir assumes that some of the children's bones had been stolen and replaced by animal bones, probably after the exhumation).
This is fascinating because at first glance it seems to match the circumstantial description found in Thomas More's history of Richard III. Except that it *doesn't,* because More says the bodies were moved after their initial burial, yet they were found right where we would expect them to have been had they not been reburied. Fields, p. 239, observes that though we do not really have precise details about where the coffin was located, we can offer a general idea, then goes on to demonstrate, pp. 240-246 that, contrary to Weir, the discovery does *not* match Thomas More's account of the burial and of Sir James Tyrell's confession (though of course More had the whole thing at about fourth hand and much could have been distorted). Nor is this the only problem with More's account. Jenkins, p. 197, observes that the initial report says they were buried ten feet deep. This report may, of course, simply be inaccurate -- but if accurate, could a hole large enough to contain a chest with two bodies in it truly be dug, and filled in, in a single night by a party small enough to keep a secret?
The bodies were claimed to be those of the princes, and eventually they were treated as such. Nonetheless, there was no evidence for this supposition except for the fact that no one knew of any other bodies likely to be there -- and while More's account could not explain where the princes' bodies were actually buried, it did offer an explanation for why there were children buried near the Tower. Ross, p. 97, makes the interesting point that the king at the time of the discovery, Charles II, had "a certain interest in this matter of deposition" -- as in, his father had been deposed and executed. Thus he would naturally be interested in tales of other deposed kings. Fraser, p. 329, notes that Charles was convinced that the bodies were those of the Princes, and ordered then to receive great care as a result.
In 1933, the bodies were re-examined by two experts, who concluded that their ages -- twelve or thirteen for the elder, probably nine or ten for the younger though with a larger margin of error -- were consistent with the ages of the princes in 1483 or 1484 (Weir, p. 257, based on both the 1933 examination and more recent discussions of the photographs taken in 1933). Although the bodies are widely claimed to have been male, both children were pre-pubescent, meaning their sexes could not be determined (Weir, p. 255; Jenkins, p. 200; Poole, p. 9).
No cause of death could be determined; indeed, the 1933 examiners couldn't even determine the approximate date of burial of the bodies. (Weir claims that we can date them based on a casual reference to "velvet" being found in the coffin when they were excavated. It is true that velvet was invented in the middle ages, so the bones had to be relatively recent if they indeed were wrapped in velvet. But this is based on a casual reference in an otherwise unsatisfactory chronicle, which according to Fields, p. 241, claims that the bodies were instantly recognized as the Princes' -- which is simply not true.) The 1933 examiners did make some guesses about what had killed the children, but scholars since then have almost universally declared these guesses untrustworthy.
So we are again stymied. Ross asks who the bodies belong to, if not the princes, but that is obvious special pleading. Fields, p. 252, observes that several other bodies have been found on the Tower grounds, so what makes the bones of 1674 more likely to be the Princes? Certainly, if the boys were Edward V and Richard of York, then they must have died during the reign of Richard III -- but it could not be established in 1674 or in 1933 that the skeletons were those of Edward and Richard (Kendall, p. 481). All we can say is that the skeletons fit such minimal details we have. The fact that they are the right age to be the princes in 1483 does not prove that they are the princes, nor does it prove that the princes died in 1483. We must *either* know that the boys died in 1483 to prove that they are the princes, or know that they are the princes to know that the boys died in 1483. Hicks, p. 191, declares the matter "conclusively answered" but nowhere that I can see gives any reason to think that the bones were those of the princes, except that they were in the right place to fit More's account --  if you ignore the story that the bones were reburied and the fact that we don't actually know where they were found!
To be sure, even Kendall, p. 482, concedes, "As the matter stands, it can be asserted that, (a), if these are the skeletons of the Princes, then the boys were killed in the summer of 1483; and (b) it is very probable that these are the skeletons of the Princes."
To add to the uncertainty. the years since the 1933 examination have led to many attempts to extract more information from the minimum made available at that time -- and the result has been much questioning of the 1933 results; Fields, pp. 251-255, lists a number of studies on the subject, which have given age estimates for the older boy ranging from perhaps as young as eight or nine to as old as fifteen or sixteen!
Today, using genetic testing, we *could* determine if the bodies are Plantagenets, and a more accurate age at the time of their deaths, and a more accurate time of death (to within a century, anyway, as opposed to the only current objective dating, which is "we dunno"), and maybe even the cause of death -- but I read in an issue of _Renaissance_ magazine that Elizabeth II has forbidden the re-exhumation of the bodies; this is confimed by Fields, p. 257. The staff of Wesminster Abbey, which holds the bones, is also opposed (Weir, p. 256). Those who most doubt Richard's guilt wonder if it isn't possible that Elizabeth II knows that her ancestor Henry VII, rather than Richard III, killed the two boys, who were an even greater threat to him than to Richard. This strikes me as highly unlikely -- if Richard had had the boys, he would have exhibited them in 1485, when the invasion by Henry Tudor was threatening. So it seems nearly certain that they were dead by then.
Even if the bodies are those of the princes, and they were murdered, Kendall, p. 482, observes that this does not prove that Richard was the one who ordered their deaths -- though an honest person must admit that the probability of Richard ordering it is extremely high.
Although Richard III is obviously the leading candidate to have ordered the death of the princes, several other candidates have been mentioned. Two of them are genuine possibilities (Ross, pp. 102-104; Kendall devotes 31 pages -- pp. 465-495 -- to the issue). One is Henry Tudor. The case against him, in one sense, is even stronger than against Richard III: Had the boys been alive, he would have *had* to murder them to take the throne. And, being the man he was, he surely would not have hesitated. But, of course, he could only kill them if they were still alive. Which is nearly impossible if the 1674 bones are those of the princes, and unlikely even if the bones were someone else's.
The second possibility is the Duke of Buckingham, Richard's right-hand man in usurping the throne. Even Ross admits the possibility that he might have been the one to talk Richard into the murders. And his influence in Richard's early reign was such that he might have been able to order their death on his own authority. But this does not answer *why* he might have done it. Some have argued that it was to make Richard look bad. Possible, since he went into rebellion soon afterward, but pretty convoluted. And, as Cheetham, p. 148, points out, Richard never once accused Buckingham of killing the boys. This does not entirely clear Buckingham, but it is a very strong argument in his favor.
In this context, genetic testing on the 1674 skeletons would really help. As Cheetham says on p. 147, "if the skeletons are those of the princes, and their ages have been accurately assessed... Henry VII is exonerated from any part in their deaths.... [I]f the prices died in the autumn of 1483, there are only two men who could conceivably have been responsible -- Richard and Buckingham."
There is another possibility, rarely brought out in the studies of the matter (as best I can tell, only Fields, p. 218, considers it, and primarily in the context of the extremely unlikely notion that Perkin Warbeck was Prince Richard). The 1933 examination of the bones did seem to reveal advanced dental problems in the older skeleton (Kendall, p. 472; Weir, p. 255; Jenkins, p. 176, notes that the report says the older boys "suffered from extensive disease, affecting almost equally both sides of the lower jaw; The disease was of a chronic nature and could not fail to have affected his general health. The gums in the lowar molar region would have been inflamed, swollen, septic and no doubt associated with discomfort and irritability"). Thus there is a real possibility that Edward (V) died of this, or of blood poisoning consequent to this, forcing whoever was in charge at the time -- probably Richard -- to cover it up. Modern examinations would doubtless make this clearer, too, but, again, no such examination has been permitted.
 It's also possible that one of Richard's followers killed the boys, not realizing the problems it would cause. It's also possible that someone -- likely Buckingham -- killed them in full knowledge that it *would* cause problems. Cheetham, p. 148, summarizes the case against Buckingham while concluding it unlikely; Kendall, pp. 487-495, offers a much more detailed case, including the statement on p. 494 that "empirically, Buckingham appears more likely than Richard to have been the murderer of the princes." Hicks, while dismissing the possibility, notes on p. 182 that several contemporary or near-contemporary sources suspected Buckingham, and that he was the only possibility mentioned at the time other than Richard.
In practical terms, this makes no difference --  if either boy had died against Richard's will, either naturally or by murder without his knowledge, Richard would still have been blamed for the deaths; he might well have felt that a coverup was the best he could do. (It probably was, too, though I'd say he should have come out and told the truth anyway.)
As Kendall, p. 495, notes, "This famous enigma eludes us, like Hamlet: we cannot pluck out the heart of its mystery. But at least we can do better than Rosencrantz and Guildenstern, who thought there was no mystery at all."
The flip side (rarely mentioned by Richard's defenders) is that, *even if he didn't kill them*, he still bears a significant portion of the blame for their deaths. By imprisoning them, he made them a fixed target. If Buckingham decided to kill them, he knew right where they were -- no risk of them being moved and word of the plot leaking out. If by some wild chance they were around for Henry Tudor to kill, *he* knew where they were. And even if they, or at least Edward V, died naturally, Richard prevented doctors from seeing them (admittedly any doctor of the time would have been completely useless, but the doctor could have made the situation known).
Cheetham, p. 151, gives what seems to me the best summary: "We have thus come in a full circle back to Richard as the prime suspect [in the murder] and the early autumn of 1483 as the most likely date. The evidence is not conclusive in a legal sense, and never will be. Richard stands convicted not so much by the evidence against him as by the lack of evidence against anybody else.
"The murders leave an ineradicable stain on Richard's character.... But that does not prove that his nature was warped by a vein of deliberate cruelty. His treatment of the vanquished Nevilles and his defence of Clarence show Richard in a kinder light....
"More important than the moral issue were the political consequences. The murder of the Princes has often been described as a Renaissance solution in the manner later prescribed by Macchiavelli. In fact it was a colossal blunder. Nothing else could have prompted the deflated Woodvilles to hitch themselve to Henry Tudor's bandwagon...." (This point of view in fact goes back to contemporaries of Richard's; Ross, pp. xxxix-xl, quotes the Great Chronicle of London to this effect.)
Incidentally, this is not the only unsolved death of the period. Richard's friend Viscount Lovell seems to have vanished after his part in the Lambert Simnel rebellion of 1487. Ross, p. 50, says that "the circumstances of his death are even more mysterious than those of the princes in the Tower" -- and obviously this conundrum took place in the reign of Henry VII, not Richard III. One story had it that Lovell was left in a walled-up room in his own house -- note the similarity to that 1647 story about the princes!
All that seems really certain is that Richard no longer had the boys in his possession by September 1483, when Buckingham rebelled; under the circumstances, had Richard been able to bring them forth, the rebellion against him would have been weakened (Jenkins, p. 201)  -- although it would have raised the hopes of those who wanted to restore the dynasty of Edward IV (Ross-Wars, p. 97). The odds are high that the boys were dead (though it occurs to me that it's just possible Buckingham had stolen them away as part of his scheme. But this is fairly unlikely, since Richard would presumably have proclaimed it, and he didn't.)
Nonetheless, Jenkins, p. 204, argues that at late as January 23, 1484, many thought the boys were still alive (this based on the fact that the Continuator of the Croyland Chronicle is widely thought to be Bishop John Russell of Lincoln -- so, e.g., Ross, p. xliv --  whose speech before parliament in 1484 showed no knowledge of their fate. Ross, however, thinks that the Croyland Chronicle did blame Richard for the deaths).
Interestingly, Richard, once Buckingham's rebellion was crushed, "treated the rebels with a magnanimity worthy of kingship. There were less than a dozen executions; no punitive measures were taken against Bishop Woodville, Sir Richard Woodville or the Marquess Dorset. Bishop Morton himself [probably the chief planner] was offered a pardon, but he did not come home to claim it. The widowed Duchess of Buckingham [another Woodville] was given an annuity; even that discreet but active conspirator the Lady Margaret Beaufort was not attainted..." (Jenkins, p. 203). As Ross-Wars, p. 157, observes, "Henry VII was much tougher [in punishing rebellious nobles] than the Yorkists had been."
Cheetham, p. 158, gives a mixed verdict: "Ninety-five men has been singled out as leaders of the rebellion and had their lands confiscated.... These measures were not unduly harsh: at least a third of the attainders were subsequently revoked and many of those named had already found refuge at Henry [Tudor]'s court in exile." Richard probably felt that his kingdom was secure, so he didn't need to destroy the rebels -- but if he had been a more vengeful man, he probably could have killed them; they certainly weren't of any use to him!
That very magananimity demonstrates the convenience of the claims that Richard III was responsible for the deaths of the Princes in the Tower: Henry Tudor's justification for his ascension was that, first, Richard had killed the legitimate heir, meaning that Henry had at least some claim to the throne (though very dubious), and second, that Richard's crimes were so black that he needed to be overthrown.
It must be stressed: The Princes almost certainly died during Richard's reign, probably very early on, and very likely at his order. But the evidence, while strong, is not proof; we cannot draw absolute conclusions. Though, of course, this would not stop a good balladeer; it's a matter of legal proof.
The one person who truly benefitted from Buckingham's rebellion was probably Henry Tudor; it went far toward establishing him as the accepted alternative to Richard (Ross-Wars, p. 98).
>> RICHARD'S GOVERNMENT AND TUDOR GOVERNMENT <<
The claim that Richard did nothing but evil is patently false. He promoted learning and tried very much to establish justice; in better times, he very likely would have been a good king. Wilkinson, p. 300, says that "Richard took his business of ruling very seriously," adding that he brought able men into his council, encouraged trade, and established an admiralty as well as trying to clean up the national finances. Wilkinson concludes that he was "an able and effective king."
The laws passed in Richard's sole parliament were very positive. Cheetham, p. 158, lists as the major accomplishments laws regulating the granting of bail, assuring that juries were selected honestly and kept free from pressure, and governing the sale of property so that rich landowners couldn't cheat buyers. Jenkins, pp. 204-205, adds that he implemented laws to protect the property of those who were charged with crimes. He set up a postal service. And he made revisions to the customs laws, most notably abolishing all duties on printed books and allowing foreign booksellers to sell their wares. (Garnett and Gosse, p. 273. Think about *that*, Shakespeare fans!) One of Caxton's books was dedicated to Richard (Cunningham, p. 88).
He also banned the royal use of "benevolences" -- that is, forced loans (Russell, p. 38). These amounted to direct extortion from the nobles, especially as there was no real guarantee that they would be paid back.
The acts of Richard's parliament were published in English, according to Fields, p. 162 -- the first time the laws were published in the vernacular instead of in Latin. This was another help to the common people, since for the first time they could understand the law without having to rely on a cleric or lawyer.
Ross sourly comments (p. 189) that most of Richard's reforms were badly needed, and hence obvious -- but they had been obvious for decades and no one else made them. He observes that the 1484 parliament seems to have been full of Richard's supporters (it elected Richard's friend William Catesby as speaker even though Catesby had never served in parliament before; p. 185); Ross may be right in thinking that this indicates an unusual degree of parliament-packing, but I'm not sure why he thinks that so significant, since the results were still positive; it would appear to indicate that Richard packed the parliament with the sorts of people who did not resort to legal tricks to feather their own nests.
Learning was clearly important to Richard. He gave major endowments to two colleges at Cambridge (Cheatham, p. 163; Ross, p. 135). Ross also says, on p. 130, that Richard endowed many foundations -- and that most of his activities of this sort came before he was king, when they became (in effect) part of his job. Among his foundations while still duke was Middleham College. He also started a college at York Minster as king, though he didn't have time to properly endow it. Richard may also have enjoyed scholarly discussion himself; Ross, p. 149, notes an occasion when he spent two days listening to scholarly discussion at Oxford (but can't resist adding a dig, "how much he understood of them is an open question.") Cunningham, p. 87, credits him with a grand total of ten major endowments. This is by contrast to his brother Edward IV, who (according to Dockray, p. 5) was neither especially religious nor especially devoted to learning.
Nor was this the only time Richard listened to scholars debate. According to www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/grocyn.htm, Richard while Duke of Goucester heard a debate between William Grocyn and John Taylor. Richard gave Grocyn five marks and a buck -- a significant gift at the time. And Grocyn, according to Rylands, p. 18, became the first-ever teacher of Greek at Oxford. Although little is left from his pen, this makes him one of the most important classical scholars in English history -- but he seems to have gotten no support from the Tudors; only Richard heard and supported him. Like his support for books, Richard's support for Greek scholars gives strong evidence of his belief in the value of learning.
Protestants might be interested to note that, at a time when the Catholic Church refused to sanction vernacular translations and generally restricted ownership of the Bible (the Lancastrian dynasty had officially tried to suppress the Lollard translation of Wycliffe, along with a number of other books they or the Church did not like; Rubin, pp. 194-195), Richard had his own copy of the Wycliffe English Bible (Kendall, p. 386; Ross, p. 128, claims it was a "non-Lollard" version of Wycliffe's translation, but there is no such thing. Ross may be referring to an attempt by Cardinal F. A. Gasquet to prove that the translation known as Wycliffe's was orthodox and that the actual translation by Wycliffe has not survived. But we actually have copies of the Wycliffe translations in the autographs of translators Nicolas of Hereford and John Purvey; Kenyon/Adams, pp. 278-281, completely demolishes Gasquet's hypothesis. What Richard had was a Wycliffite Bible based on Wycliffe's and Hereford's first draft, without Purvey's heretical prologue to the revised translation).
I'm not saying Richard was a proto-Protestant; it appears he was always at peace with the official church. But he does seem to have been someone who believed in the substance rather than the form of piety.
Seward-Richard, p. 87, mentions Richard's Wycliffite Bible and other religious activities -- and concludes that Richard was a hypocrite who failed to acknowledge his actions. But this is precisely backward -- Richard's spiritual life was largely secret. If there is a key to Richard, I think it lies here: His definition of morality was not ours. We may not agree with Richard's (I certainly don't!), but in trying to assess what kind of man he was, we must ask if he was true to his morals, not ours. (Ross, in his final chapter, addresses this. Seward and Weir never do. Ironically, Kendall never really does, either.)
Richard was able to appoint only two bishops, but both were exceptional men (Ross, p. 133): Thomas Langton was first made Bishop of St. David's, then of Salisbury (and, under Henry VII, Bishop of Winchester and was nominated Archbishop of Canterbury but did not live to assume the post), and John Sherwood became Bishop of Durham (one of the most important of all English sees). Langton was a canon lawyer and a humanist; Shirwood, even more unusually, knew Greek as well as Latin and studied the actual Bible, not the badly-corrupted Latin Vulgate texts of the period that were the official Catholic texts. Richard even recommended that Shirwood be made Cardinal. For his own chaplain, he chose another Greek scholar, who had actually written a commentary on Plato (Ross, p. 134). Henry Tudor, by contrast, held bishoprics vacant in order to increase his own revenues (Russell, p. 57).
Richard established the Council of the North in 1484 (Cheatham, pp. 167-168, 209, Dockray, p. 111), which was maintained even by the Tudors; it lasted until the Union of the Crowns largely eliminated the Scottish border problem. (Even Seward-Richard, p. 71, admits that "Beyond question the Duke's overall administration [of his territory in the North] was brilliantly successful.... [H]is firm hand and employment of Northern officials won him golden opinions and devoted servants among the townsmen and among some of the gentry." Dockray, p. 111, declares that Richard "brought a degree of stability to the region not seen for years." The problem was that it made him seem like the leader of a section of the country rather than the nation as a whole.) The Tudors, in fact, adopted the idea and created a similar Council for Wales (Russell, p. 47).
Richard also founded the ancestor of the modern Court of Requests, which gave ordinary people a chance to try to gain justice from their superiors (Cheetham, pp. 207-208; Jenkins, p. 205; Cunningham, p. 58, says that "Richard did have a genuine motivation to maintain impartial justice"; Ross, p. 175 notes the founding of the Court of Requests but sneers that Richard was prepared to ignore justice when it got in his way; Russell, p. 51, tries to deny the link to Richard by saying its "origins are obscure.").
Ross, p. 151, quotes Bishop Langton as saying, "He contents the people wherever he goes best that ever did prince; for many a poor man that hath suffered wrong many days have been relieved by him and helped by him and his commands in his progress. And in many great cities and towns were great sums of money given him which he hath refused." Langton was allied with Richard, but this was in a private letter, so the sentiments are probably genuine. And Ross, p. 152, goes on to note that even hostile witnesses testify to his attempts to his attempts to supply tax relief and bring justice to the commons.
That respect for the common people reminds us of one of his other innovations -- one which may have been fatal. Richard tried to build his faction of relatively low-born men -- knights and esquires, rather than the high nobility (Cheatham, pp. 161-162; Seward-Richard, p. 117, calls them a "mafia"!). For example, when it came time to appoint a Lord Treasurer in succession to the deceased Essex, he did not choose a baron or a bishop, but gave the post to John Wood, the under-treasurer, a competent man but a commoner. He seems to have chosen men of high ability -- but, of course, the barons would have resented it, and in the period of the Wars of the Roses, they were in the habit of helping to decide who was king. As we have seen, several authors make exaggerated claims about how few of the high nobles fought at Bosworth. They usually blame it on repugnance for Richard. I suspect that the repugnance was more of a petty hissy fit, "How can he employ people like that? Just because their intelligence and education is greater than mine...."
It is often urged that the reign of Richard produced nothing in the way of literature and art, whereas Henry VII started the Tudor renaissance. It is true that there are no significant works from the period, and we have no record of Richard supporting the arts (Ross-Wars, p. 85). But we must note that the whole era was lacking; Amderson, p. 255, declares "No century in the history of English literature since the Norman Conquest has been more .often reproached for its barrenness than the fifteenth; and certainly its accomplishment is by any standard comparatively insignificant." Chaucer and Langland and the Gawain-poet and Gower were dead by about 1400 -- and no one succeeded them (barring the faint possibility that a great poet's work was lost. It could have happened; _Sir Gawain and the Green Knight_, after all, survived in only one manuscript). There were "Chaucerians," to be sure, but the only tolerable writers among them, ironically, were Scottish! (Anderson, pp. 263-265).
The simple truth is, the Lancastrian era gave us no great writer except Thomas Malory (several authors speculate that the religious bigotry of the Lancastrians was a major factor in this), and the (much shorter) Yorkist era gave us none at all. Malory's _Le Morte D'Arthur_, written by a man who was in constant trouble with the law, was in fact published by Caxton in 1485, just days before Henry Tudor's invasion, meaning that Richard's reign was responsible for making available the only significant literary work of the era. (It is curious to observe that, of Caxton's early publications, Malory's is among the least preserved -- only one complete copy plus a second with quite a few leaves missing. It can't be that it was unpopular -- it was reprinted as early as 1498.)
But Henry VII's reign -- which lasted exactly as long as the combined reigns of the Yorkist kings -- also produced nothing. I checked four major poetry anthologies; between them they quoted only three poets born between 1420 and the death of Henry VII, and only two of them were mentioned in all the anthologies. John Skelton was in his twenties (probably 25) at the time of Bosworth, so he was formed by Yorkist tastes, not Tudor. Stephen Hawes appears in only one anthology, seemingly to bring in _one_ early Tudor writer other than Skelton. (Hawes was one of Henry VII's grooms and a Chaucerian hack, according to Anderson, pp. 261-262. There is a work of his in Percy, but again, it seems intended to fill a chronological gap.) And Thomas Wyatt was only six when Henry VII died, so Henry can hardly claim credit for him!
The next major poet after Wyatt was Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey -- and he came from the family to which Richard III had given the Norfolk earldom, and Henry VIII executed him as a result. Great way to start a renaissance.
Morris, p. 18, makes the startling observation that, in literature, "Tudor men and women talked and wrote as if they had virtually no 'inner life.'" Their art was little better. Morris, p. 21, declares, "Tudor taste was still very gothic; it was a taste for the excrescent, the florid, the flamboyant. It ran to profusion. It could not resist filling all available space with arabesque and ornament; it had to be lavish and garish in display."
The Royal Library, which formed the basis of what is now the British Library, was founded by Edward IV. Henry Tudor seemingly took no interest in it (so BarkerEtAl, p. 26). Considering that the printing press was active in the early Tudor period, as it had not been in the Yorkist, the lack of great works stemming from Henry's reign is noteworthy. Culturally, far from starting the Tudor renaissance, Henry VII continued the great cultural vacuum. It has been said that Henry VII paved the way for Elizabeth I (and there is no denying that hers was a great era culturally). But in truth Henry left little behind but a strong centralized government and a large war-chest -- and Henry VIII spend the latter and the reign of Mary (and indeed of Henry VIII and Edward VI) showed how dangerous the former could be. Even Elizabeth's regime censored publications.
The Vatican imposed censorship starting in 1487, and Tudor censorship was even more extreme -- Henry VIII had an index of prohibited books, just like theVatican (Gillingham, pp. 9-10). Ashley-GB, p. 223, notes that one reason the Reformation succeeded was that Henry VIII was able to publish books supporting his side, but suppressed Catholic books. We have actual physical evidence that Tudor officialdom hacked at at least one play which Shakespeare worked on. (Who knows what he might have done had he had a free hand? It has been observed that, of the English kings from Richard II to Henry VIII, Shakespeare wrote plays about all but Edward V, who hardly  had a reign, and Henry VII...). Richard III appears never to have instituted prior restraint.
And Tudor England was not an economic success -- Henry Tudor faced a peasant revolt in 1497 which made it all the way to London (Morris, p. 26), and Henry VIII faced an even worse revolt in the 1520s (Russell, p. 79). The Tudor regime pushed taxes very high (Ashley-GB, p. 229, notes about an eight-fold increase from Henry VII's average to the average in the final years of Henry VIII; even allowing for inflation, that implies a threefold increase in effective tax rates), with bad results for the economy. It was in Tudor times that inflation first began to affect England seriously (Morris, p. 30; Ahsley-GB, p. 230, estimates that prices tripled from the beginning of Henry VIII's reign to the beginning of Elizabeth I's. That's not an extreme rate of inflation -- a little less than 2.5% per year -- but it was a dramatic change for a society used to almost no price fluctuation at all).
Henry VIII would debase the coinage (Morris, p. 31; Halliday, p. 92), something the Plantagenets had largely avoided and which made the inflation far worse. According to Gillingham, p. 11, real wages fell throughout the reigns of Henry VIII and Elizabeth, hitting their nadir in 1597. Enclosure drove many off their lands, and the number of poor increased dramatically in Tudor times (Mattingly, p. 177). It seems clear that this was the result of the exceptional taxes levied by Henry VII and his heirs, and the currency manipulation of Henry VIII. Halliday points (p. 96) that when Elizabeth succeeded to the throne, England was a poor nation -- yet it had been one of the richest in Europe even during the nadir of the Lancastrian era!
The very pro-Tudor Williamson says, on pp. 16-17, that while Henry Tudor at the time of Bosworth was "cool, humorous... diplomatic... capable of instant decision... and... a man of his word" (a description which, even then, I find far too flattering), he concedes that this was not "an altogether just picture of the Henry VII of twenty years later" (in other words, Henry VII showed his real side when he was secure on the throne -- and it wasn't a very pretty picture).
Let us not forget who pushed through the legislation which empowered the Star Chamber (Williamson, pp. 27-28, though he tries valiantly to claim both that the Star Chamber was actually a positive step and that Henry didn't really create it. Russell, however, notes on pp. 49-50 that being summoned before the Council or the Star Chamber was "one of the most alarming experiences which might befall a Tudor gentleman." Williamson's rather delicate way, on p. 38, of describing Henry's regard for law is to say that "Henry's upbringing in foreign countries had not imbued him with the instinctive respect for the constitution which he might have had if he had been educated near the throne." In other words, he was a despot. It is rarely stated this way, but the Glorious Revolution of 1688 was largely an attempt to limit the powers the Tudor monarchs had taken to themselves).
The Tudors also added many more government officials -- some, like those who ran the Navy, useful, but many just to watch over people. Henry Tudor, for instance, created the county officials known as feodaries, responsible for collecting rents and fees for the king, plus the receiver, surveyor, and woodward (Russell, p. 49). Some of there tasks were important, but mostly they  added to the burden of government. And, since government posts paid very little, most survived by squeezing people; at this time, big government was generally bad government (Russell, p. 45).
Henry Tudor's Engliand was, flatly, a police state for the noble families. According to Ross-Wars, p. 152, "Of the twenty families which made up the higher nobility... in 1485, only half still held their titles in 1509" -- and many of those under suspended attainder, meaning that Henry could pick them off at any time if they misbehaved. The treason laws were also toughened; in the past, treason had required an act, but under Henry VIII, just speaking seditiously was considered sufficient reason to die a traitor's death (Russell, p. 90). Had the nobles known in 1485 what they were getting themselves in for, I doubt Henry Tudor would have lasted a week on the throne.
It seems that more people trained in the law under the Tudors than under the Yorkist regimes (Russell, p. 54). And, since there still were no officers of justice other than the sheriffs, now badly underpaid and with little use for their task, there was a vast upsurge in informers (Russell, p. 45). Many of these were merely witnesses bringing stories about property crimes and the like -- but far too many were governmentinformants, or people who used the Tudors' security mania to get back at personal enemies.
Or consider this: Columbus, for his explorations of America, was granted great titles and revenue by the Catholic Monarchs of Spain. But when John Cabot tried to explore the New World for the English, Henry Tudor gave him -- ten pounds (Mirsky, p. 24). Little wonder he eventually went into Spanish service (Williamson, p. 93). England eventually acquired overseas colonies, but would surely have done so sooner (and at less cost!) had Henry not been so unwilling to make investments in the future.
Or this: Erasmus of Rotterdam, arguably the greatest scholar of his age, came to England about the time Henry VII died. He left five years later -- because no one paid him enough to support him (Williamson, p. 92).
Or this: Henry VII's council was so unpopular that his son Henry VIII, on taking the throne, had not only to expel two of them but to execute them (Williamson, p. 76). This even though Henry VIII otherwise kept the rest of the council intact; he was not trying for a completely new policy.
Henry VII didn't even show much gratitude to the men who put him on the throne. Sir William Stanley, who saved his life, would be executed in 1495 (Kendall, p. 457). Rhys ap Thomas, who had brought in most of the Welsh troops that fought at Bosworth, was never promoted above the status of knight (Mattingly, p. 45). 
Turning back to Richard, the one thing he clearly was not was a peaceful man -- at least before he became King. When Edward IV invaded France, the French quickly tried to buy off the English, and Richard opposed the deal. He commanded an invasion of Scotland, and probably wanted to lead more (Dockray, pp. 111-112, who clearly thinks the border war unwise; in this, he follows the Croyland Chronicler, who thought it an expensive boondoggle). But, in 1484, he agreed to a three-year truce and a marriage alliance with the Scots, agreeing to marry his niece (the daughter of the Duke of Suffolk and the sister of Richard's later heir the earl of Lincoln) to the future James IV (Ross, p. 193, though Ross interprets these attempts at peace as evidence that Richard wanted more war with the Scots).
The Scots were not a real threat to Richard's throne. The French were. Ross, pp. 195-196, notes that Richard's enemy Henry Tudor had long been sheltered in Brittany (which was, in practical terms, independent from France but very afraid of the French). Richard responded with a campaign of naval pressure on the Bretons (Ross, p. 197), even though they would have been logical allies against the French had he managed the relationship right. Later, after Richard convinced the Bretons to yield the Tudor, Henry escaped to the French (Ross, p. 199, who thinks that Henry's mother Margaret Beaufort may have warned him; she might well have learned of it from her husband Lord Stanley). And, because the French considered Richard their enemy, they let Henry loose and even gave him some French soldiers (Ross, p. 194).
Despite his George W. Bush approach to diplomacy, Richard was ahead of his time in many ways -- e.g. in his support of printing, which of course would make learning available to far more than ever before; in his personal version of spirituality, as shown by his English Bible and other books; in his tendency to appoint learned men rather than timeservers to high office (Ross, p. 76; Ross, p. 132, adds that he preferred Cambridge to Oxford men, but given that his Chancellor, Bishop John Russell, whom Thomas More called "one of the best learned men undoubtedly that England had in his time," was an Oxford man, I think this is exaggerated); and in his respect for the commons.
One of Shakespeare's incidents may have had a vague kernel of truth. Sadly, according to Jenkins, p. 208, Richard's wife Anne Neville was consumptive (probably; Weir, p. 206, says "tuberculosis or cancer"), and toward the end of her life doctors declared her illness contagious. So Richard, whose only legitimate son Edward had died in early 1484, was unable to share his wife's bed in the final months before she too died in early 1485 (Harvey, p. 208; Jenkins, p. 210; Seward-Richard, p. 168, in his desire to finish off Richard, apparently wanted him to sleep with her so he too could have gotten sick). While hardly the marriage of enemies Shakespeare portrayed, at the end it was perhaps chaste.
Weir, p. 210, is sure that Richard tried to hasten Anne's end, and cites on p. 211 Rous's statement that Richard poisoned Anne. This apparently was a genuine rumor, known also to Commynes. Seward-Richard, p. 169, says that the rumor came from "no less a witness than Richard himself" -- but he cites no statement of Richard's, instead mentioning Commynes. 
Evidence and logic argue against it. Poison was becoming a political tool on the continent, but the English were very slow to adopt it (Lofts, pp. 88-89). In any case, the poisons of the period weren't reliable enough to make someone die of what seemed to be tuberculosis! Plus the Croyland Chronicler reports that, when their son Edward died, both Richard III and his wife were "almost bordering on madness" because of their grief (Potter, p. 168; Ross, p. 145). Richard, given his illegitimate children, would surely have been of the opinion that he could have more offspring if he married someone else -- and, since he and Anne Neville were cousins, he could almost certainly have obtained an annulment of his marriage. Why poison her and risk discovery? Plus the marriage of Anne Neville helped maintain his alliances in the north, since she was the heir of one of the greatest northern families. Getting rid of her was not good politics. Seward-Richard, p. 168, claims that Richard used "psychological methods" to poison her, and claims support from Croyland -- but in his endnote cites only Polydore Vergil.
Weir admits (pp. 210-211) that Croyland tells us Richard wept openly by Anne's grave, and that his face was always drawn after this. Naturally Weir considers this another act on his part.
There is disagreement about whether the marriage between Richard and Anne Neville was a love match -- Kendall thinks it was; Ross, p. 28, vigorously denies it; Seward-Richard, p. 62, in a rare moment of balance, confesses, "There is no evidence how he regarded her, nor even if their marriage was happy or unhappy." Seward-Richard, p. 41, suggests that her father the Earl of Warwick offered to have Anne marry Richard; this is a possible but unsupported speculation and does not explain why the two went through with it after Warwick was killed. We can only try to infer. What is interesting to note is that Richard was one of few English Kings to have an English wife (since the Norman Conquest, there were only three others: John had married then divorced Isabel of Gloucester, Henry IV had married Mary de Bohun before he was in line for the throne, and Edward IV had married Elizabeth Woodville). Of these four instances, only Richard would have known his bride before the time they were married, since Richard lived in the Neville household in his early years. So Richard and Anne -- contrary to Shakespeare -- *could* have fallen in love, though it is true enough that we have no evidence on this point. The Croyland Chronicler told a confusing story of George of Clarence hiding his sister-in-law and Richard rescuing her (Dockray, p. 100), but as several historians have pointed out, this makes little sense as told -- Anne Neville could have rescued *herself* had she wanted to.
Which leads to another point: Consider when Richard's two illegitimate children were conceived: Seemingly in 1469-1471. This was the period when Warwick was fighting Edward. Richard probably could have sired children before that, and *certainly* could have had illegitimate children after that -- but it appears he didn't. The only time he sowed his wild oats was when Anne Neville appeared to be unavailable, since she was betrothed to the Lancastrian Prince of Wales. It's an argument from silence, but it really does seem to imply that he cared for Anne Neville. Whether she returned the emotion is another question.
Cheetham, p. 163, makes the interesting observation that the death of the Prince of Wales may have changed the political equation, since Richard no longer had a dynasty to assure the future fortunes of his supporters. It's hard to know how important this would be to the nobles of the time -- it would doubtless disturb them that Richard had no heir, but Richard was only 32; he had plenty of time to sire another son. Except that, if Richard died young, as his brother had, then England would again have the problem of a boy king....
There was apparently another rumor, after Anne's death, that Richard wanted to take his niece, Edward IV's daughter Elizabeth, as his second wife. Weir, p. 203, claims that "it was only days [after Christmas 1484] before a passionate attraction was kindled between them." She also suggests that Elizabeth Woodville may have pushed her daughter in that direction. She bases this "passion" on a comment by Croyland (which she quotes on p. 204) about Richard wanting to marry Elizabeth to "put an end" to the hopes of a rival. Seward-Richard, p. 171, says there is "no question" that Richard intended to do so.
Apart from Croyland's comment, which we note is about politics, not passion, there seem to be only three pieces of actual evidence for the idea, all weak. One is that, at a Christmas ball in 1484, Anne Neville and Elizabeth of York wore similar dresses (Seward-Richard, p. 168). The seond is the testimony of Edward Hall, which Weir quotes with great approval. But we know Hall's testimony to be a mixture of (mostly) plagairism with a little hostile gossip.The third is that a seventeenth century historian, George Buc[k] (one of Richard's earliest defenders; Potter, p. 170) claimed to have seen a letter in which Elizabeth declared love for her uncle rather than the reverse! (Which would explain a lot, if true.) This letter, however, has not survived, and Buck is the only witness to it. Potter, p. 171, argues that the letter could be authentic, and says it is evidence that Richard III did not kill the princes. (I doubt the former and deny the logic of the latter; we can say, empirically, female primates other than humans often mate with males who killed their relatives, and in any case Elizabeth and Edward V were rarely together, so they would have no real basis for affection). Oddly enough, Weir, p. 208, also thinks it is real, but instead of being a statement about Richard's innocence of the death of the princes, she thinks it proof that he actually was sexually involved with his niece! (Weir, pp. 209-210).
We should note that uncle/niece marriages were not unknown in Europe in this period. The younger brother of France's king CharlesV, John Duke of Berry, would marry Charles V's daughter Katherine; Earle, pp. 82-83. But the patent defect with Weir's hypothesis is -- Richard had not had any illegitimate children for more than a dozen years. It should be remembered that, after 1471, he was the third man of the kingdom, and after 1478, he was the second; in the North,he was little short of a king. If he had been the sort to indulge his lust with any pretty girl who caught his eye, he'd have had bastards in half the parishes of Yorkshire. He didn't. He may possibly have lusted after his niece. It seems extremely unlikely he acted upon that lust.
Potter, p. 173, does raise one important point: One of the big reasons for Richard to marry Elizabeth, as Croyland said, would have been to assure that Henry Tudor could not marry her. Richard could have taken care of that by simply marrying her to someone else -- after all, she was 18 or 19, and (by the standards of the time) approaching spinster-hood. And, as the daughter of Edward IV -- said by some to be the handsomest man in England -- and Elizabeth Woodville, she was probably very pretty (though her portrait in Seward is not flattering. Her effigy, on p. 99 of Ross-Wars, is more attractive, but of course was made after her death). So why didn't Richard marry her off and drive Henry Tudor crazy? We can't say. Potter thinks he was honoring a promise to her mother to find her a good husband. But, of course, it's at least possible that he wanted her himself (hence the rumors), and was having to bide his time until he could get a dispensation.
Richard, whatever his actual plans, publicly denied planning to marry Elizabeth (Potter, p. 171). Obviously Richard didn't have any modern handlers writing his speeches and telling him not to admit to anything; one suspects the denial made people take the rumor more seriously than they otherwise would have.
Richard, from what we can tell, had strong but localized popularity: The North of England revered him -- and Ross, p. 47-48, notes that the northerners' loyalty was not easily earned. But Ross, p. xlvii, offers strong evidence that he was disliked in the south. (He confesses to little data about the midlands.) And Richard really does seem to have an "if-you-aren't-with-us-you're-a-fiend" attitude reminiscent of some modern extreme conservatives; he labelled his enemies who were with Henry Tudor murderers, adulterers, and extortionists (Ross, p. 208). Ross is surely correct in thinking that these over-the-top statements hurt rather than helped Richard's cause.
Horace Walpole, whose _Historic Doubts_ was one of the first great defences of Richard, claims (according to Potter, p. 179) that Richard's enemies accused him of ten significant murders: Henry VI, Henry's son Edward Prince of Wales, Richard's wife Anne Neville, his brother George of Clarence, Edward V, Edward's brother Richard, Lord Hastings, Earl Rivers, Elizabeth Woodville's son Richard Grey, and of Edward V's tutor Thomas Vaughan.
 An honest assessment gives a much more interesting scorecard: Richard was certainly responsible for the deaths of Hastings, Rivers, Grey, and Vaughan. He was certainly innocent of the death of Edward Prince of Wales (as shown above). It is unlikely that he had a part in Anne Neville's death. If Richard had any part in the death of Henry VI, it must have been at the instructions of Edward IV. George of Clarence, according to the Croyland Chronicler, was prosecuted solely by Edward IV (Dockray, p. 102; it is interesting to note that the sentence of death on Clarence was pronounced by the Duke of Buckingham, Richard's future ally and enemy, who played his first major public role at this time). Mancini says Richard was very grieved by George's death. Even Thomas More says Richard publicly showed grief (Seward-Richard, p. 69), though naturally doesn't believe it to have been genuine (and Seward of course thinks More's mind-reading more accurate than actual data). The Princes in the Tower are the only remaining question.
Potter, p. 183, has an ironic note about Walpole's work. It was eventually translated into French -- by Louis XVI as he awaited execution. France's maligned king apparently sympathized with England's most maligned king.
I can't help but note the comparisons with another much-maligned English king, John. John, like Richard, killed a nephew (Arthur of Brittany) with a senior claim to the throne (Harvey, p. 82). As with Richard III, there have been attempts to defend John -- even claims that John was a proto-Protestant (which he was not; he was simply a skeptic, unacceptable to Catholic and Protestant alike). Certainly John was not as bad as the Robin Hood legends make him. But even Warren-John, which seems to be a deliberate attempt to defend the third Plantagenet king, is forced to conclude with words of faint praise: "He could be mean and nasty, and there was an ignoble small-mindedness aout his suspicion, but he was not a devil incarnate" (pp. 257-258); "He had the mental abilities of a great king, but the inclinations of a petty tyrant" (p. 259). No one, it seems to me, has made a convincing defence of John, despite several attempts. Richard, by contrast, has had many. The defence has hardly been a great success -- but the mere fact that it has been so regularly made implies that there is more to work with in the case of Richard than John. Let's face it: It would be a lot of fun for historians to have a Shakesperean King of England -- Seward in fact says as much. (It's too bad Shakespeare didn't try to work on Charles the Bad of Navarre....) But in fact there was no English king as vile as Shakespeare's monstrosity.
>> THE BATTLE OF BOSWORTH AND THE DEATH OF RICHARD III <<
Whether he deserved it or not, Richard's position in 1485 was precarious, due primarily to the decimation of the nobility. Edward IV had ruled prior to 1470 by giving much power to the Earl of Warwick. After Warwick's rebellion failed. Edward depended largely on Richard of Gloucester and the Woodvilles. (Dockray, p. xxxiv calls them "regional troubleshooters" and notes that it was a very dangerous precedent, since it created "overmighty subject[s]," the latter phrase echoing Ross, Seward, and others). Richard III had followed the precedent and turned to the Duke of Buckingham. With Buckingham dead, it was almost impossible to build a noble faction. (As Henry VII himself would discover.) Richard advanced the Howard Duke of Norfolk as far as he could, but only so much could be done for a man who, two years earlier, had not even been an earl, and had only been made a baron in 1470 (Cunningham, p. 107). Richard tried to bind Northumberland and Huntington to him, but this failed in the former case at least. It left him largely dependent on lesser men -- and caused him to bring a relatively small army to the greatest battle of his life; estimates run from about 3,000 to 10,000 men, the majority of them Norfolk's if you exclude the "neutrals."
Richard's death, as already mentioned, took place at the Battle of Bosworth in 1485. Henry Tudor, the closest thing the Lancastrian faction had to a claimant, finally invaded. (I can't help but note the irony that he set out from Harfleur, the place where Henry V had invaded France seventy years earlier; Ross, p. 202). Henry's invasion force initially consisted mostly of mercenaries from countries hostile to Richard (Ross, pp. 202-203), though of course he picked up some supporters in Wales.
Ross-Wars, p. 101, notes how nearly the Tudor invasion came to failure: "In Brittany [Henry] narrowly managed to excape being captured and turned over to the English, and made good his escape to France. There the government, which was anxious to absorb Brittany into France, and feared that Richard would support the Bredon independence movement, decided to aid Henry's invasion. Supplied by France with money, ships, and some 3,000 French troops, he set sale for Wales in August 1485 -- but just in the nick of time, for French policy changed abruptly after his departure."
Henry landed at Milford Haven in Wales on August 7. Richard, who was based in Nottingham, apparently learned of his landing on August 11, and summoned such supporters as could reach him quickly. The two armies met on August 22.
Recall we have no complete account of the battle except the Tudor historian Polydore Vergil's, written decades later by someone who was not a witness and had never seen the battlefield, plus "The Ballad of Bosworth Field,", which claims Richard had 40,000 troops, which is obviously impossible. The lack of data is so extreme that one author is convinced that we do not even know where the battle took place, moving it several miles away to Dadlington (Ross-Wars, p. 182).
Unfortunately, even Vergil's account is not very clear, at one point it appears to confuse east and west, and does not fit the ground as it now exists -- e.g. there is a mention of a vanished marsh. The reconstruction of the battle depends very much on where the marsh is located. The map in Burne, p. 290, places it to the south of Richard's position on Ambien Hill, making action on that flank difficult. Ross's map on p. 219 places it rather more to the west, putting a gap in the area where Henry Tudor might attack. Kendall's maps, pp. 438-439, approximate Burne's. St. Aubyn's map, p. 210, shows an exceptionally large marsh covering half the slope of Ambien Hill -- and shows details of the armies that are simply not known. Cheatham's map is similar to Ross's. Gillingham, p. 242, delares that "all [maps] are quite worthless" but on pp. 243-244 gives a detailed restatement of Vergil that looks like a written description of St. Aubyn's map minus the mention of Ambien Hill.
Bosworth was a most unusual battle, for there were not two but (probably) *five* armies. Though they were small ones -- Gillingham, p. 33, notes that at this time soldiers were paid wages, but their "profit," if any, came from plunder. Since it was hard to plunder one's countrymen, most battles of the Wars of the Roses involved relatively small forces led by a few great magnates rather than the large contract forces of the Hundred Years' War. And, as the war lasted longer, wages had to go up, and the armies got even smaller (Gillingham, p. 35).
Richard's personal army seems to have been particularly small for an army led by a crowned king, perhaps because he by this time was having financial difficulties. He had not gotten much money from his 1484 parliament; (Ross, p. 178), and was having to borrow from his magnates; (Ross, p. 179). On p. 215, Ross says that "it can be suggested that the size of Henry's army has been underestimated and that of Richard's exaggerated. Allowing for the men he recruited en route from Milford Haven, Henry may have had 5,000 men, perhaps more. Potentially, Richard could have gathered far more, but, given the hasty circumstances of his array, he may have had no more than 8,000 men in his command, although 10,000 is by no means unlikely." This, however, includes the Earl of Northumberland, who certainly did not fight for Richard and probably was unwilling to fight. In practical terms, this suggest that Richard had no more than seven thousand, and probably less; the two armies thus were close to equal in size, though Richard's was probably better equipped and led; it would certainly have had the edge in artillery.
The senior officers in the loyal army were Richard and the Duke of Norfolk, the former Lord Howard. Henry Tudor was theoretical commander of the second force, though probably the de Vere (shadow) Earl of Oxford (who, unlike the Tudor, had battle experiece) commanded in the field; the other senior officer in the Tudor camp was Henry's uncle Jasper Tudor, another shadow earl.
And then there were the independent armies, those of Lord Stanley, his brother Sir William Stanley, and the Earl of Northumberland. Northumberland kept his troops in Richard's camp but commanded them independently. Lord Stanley, whose current wife was Henry Tudor's mother, and William Stanley kept their forces entirely separate, meeting Henry Tudor but not joining him and keeping Richard on a string.
Thus when the Battle of Bosworth started, there were four forces, arranged probably in a rough square, or perhaps we should say in a rough cross, with Richard's forces facing Henry's and the Stanley armies (which were probably as large or larger than the other two forces) occupying the other two sides of the square. Northumberland, theoretically part of Richard's force, was sitting still to Richard's rear.
It amazes me how many divergent details the various authors can discover in the very limited material available in Vergil. Ross rightly slams Kendall for filling a brief summary into a detailed, very lyrical account -- but ignores the fact that St. Aubyn, p. 213, regales us with the tale of Richard's "terrible dream," or Seward-Roses, p. 305, wants us to know about Richard's "haggard appearance" and "ferocious speech." How many people, even in Richard's forces, would know about the dream, and why would they tell a biased chronicler? Cheetham, p. 187, comments "Predictably enough, our two contemporary voices -- Croyland and Vergil -- attribute to Richard a sleepless night, interrupted by 'dreadful visions' and premonitions of disaster." (Note, however, that Vergil is not contemporary, and that Croyland's description is only a few lines long.) Our third contemporary, "The Ballad of Bosworth Field," has a lot of surely-fictitious speeches, but no sign of the dreadful dreams in the transcription I've seen.
Burne, p. 291, believes that the scene of the battle was set when Richard's force occupied Ambien Hill very early on the fatal day (Monday, August 22, 1485). This seems likely enough -- Richard was clearly the more enterprising commander, and Ambien Hill was the dominant position in the area; St. Aubyn, p. 209, Kendall, p. 433, Cheatham, p. 187, and Ross, p. 217, all agree with Burne at least this far.
Unfortunately for Richard, Ambien Hill, while tall, is very narrow. All the authors seem to agree that, instead of forming his three divisions in a line, Richard ended up with Norfolk in front, on the slopes of the hill, Richard's own division behind him, and Northumberland somewhere to the rear (though it is hard to see how they could have gotten into that formation if the map in Kendall, p. 438, is accurate; in this, Kendall clearly seems wrong).
Based on the little we know, it appears that Richard's and Henry's armies started the battle, with the Stanleys standing aside (all authorities, including even Gillingham, p. 243, agree on the duplicitous behavior of the Stanleys). By the nature of the ground, that meant that Tudor's forces under Oxford attacking Norfolk. Despite Gillingham, this seems to me to almost assure the general accuracy of the Burne/Ross/Kendall reconstruction of the battle with Richard on Ambien Hill. If Richard hadn't been on the hill, he would surely have created a broader battle line, and the final charge would have been impossible.
Exactly what happened next is uncertain, because we know that Norfolk died in the battle, but we don't know when. If Vergil is right in saying that the whole battle lasted only two hours (Gillingham, p. 244), it must have happened fairly quickly, but that's not much to go on.
We also know that Northumberland did not participate in the battle. (One source, the "Spanish Letter," appears to say that Northumberland actually attacked Richard, but Ross, p. 216, rejects this as impossible. Ross, pp. 218, 221,thinks that the nature of the ground meant that  Northumberland could not engage at all, but most of the other scholars think he refused to fight, and the behavior of his vassals in 1489 seems to support this. It seems to me that a refusal to fight would also explain the "Spanish Letter.") Four years after Bosworth, Northumberland was murdered by a mob of rioters protesting over Henry Tudor's taxes -- Cunningham, pp. 79, 108 -- and while we don't have any certain knowledge of why he died, the strong indication is that his henchmen refused to rescue him because of his betrayal of Richard III. (Percy printed Skelton's "Elegy on Henry Fourth Earl of Northumberland" -- p. 117 of volume I of Percy/Wheatley -- but this elegy appears to have no useful information even though it is near-contemporary.)
Eventually, Richard tried a maneuver. Kendall, p. 439, thinks it came when Norfolk was killed -- bad news indeed for Richard -- and that Northumberland's neutrality had already been revealed by then. Ross does not mention Norfolk's death at this stage (on p. 218 he mentions it as merely "probable" that Norfolk was already dead when Richard died), but thinks Richard may have seen that his force was being defeated (also, he speculates on p. 223 about low morale in Richard's forces).
If Kendall is right, then the death of Norfolk left Richard in a very precarious position, with his main force disorganized and little chance that any of the three neutrals would come to his aid. Hence he decided to try a death-or-glory charge: If he could kill Henry Tudor, the battle would be won. (Ross, p. 222, agrees that this was a possible motive, though he isn't entirely sure that Richard was actually trying a charge just with his guard. He may have been trying to bring his entire division into action.)
There is an alternate account given by Young/Adair -- who are not specialists in the period. They credit -- without giving an authority -- Richard with having precisely 9640 men; p. 101. Henry's army they credit on p. 103 with 8000 troops. They suggest there was only one Stanley army, of about 2000 men; p. 102. And they place the battle entirely to the south of Ambien Hill, suggesting that the Stanleys positioned themselves at the top of the hill. They suggest that Norfolk and Oxford actually fought in single combat; p. 104. They credit Northumberland with sitting on his hands, but their map does not show how he could have done so. Allowing that Vergil's account is probably thoroughly untrustworthy, I have to say that this version strikes me as even less likely to be right -- it sounds as if it's straight out of a romance.
A more reasonable alternate suggestion comes from Ross-Wars, pp. 132-135, who suggests that Henry Tudor was concerned about the course of the battle, and rode off to appeal to the Stanleys (whom he suggests may have had only one force, not two). Richard, observing the maneuver, chose to attack Henry as the rebel force moved. While a better fit for the known facts than the Young/Adair account -- indeed, it is a good explanation for why Richard would make what otherwise seems a foolhardy move -- this remains speculation.
Whatever Richard's intention in his final maneuver, what it seem to come down to was a charge by Richard and his household knights toward the Tudor flag -- a charge which came very close to succeeding. (At least, that's what Vergil thought  Richard was doing; Burne, p. 295, suggests that he was actually trying to kill the traitor Lord Stanley. This seems absurd -- Richard could have gotten real revenge on Stanley by killing Lord Strange, and in any case, if he killed Henry Tudor, he could deal with Stanley at his leisure.) But Sir William Stanley charged and managed to destroy the back of Richard's attack force (Gillingham, p. 244, thinks that Richard's companions mostly deserted him in the attack, but also notes that Richard almost managed to reach Henry Tudor -- impossible if he had truly been abandoned.). Attacked front and rear, the charge failed. Richard died in the fighting.
Why did Richard do it? To get things over with, perhaps; this seems to be Kendall's view. But we can't know. The "Ballad of Bosworth Field" declares,
He said, "giue me my battell axe to my hand,
sett the crowne of England on my head soe hye!
ffor by him that shope both sea and Land,
King of England this day I will dye!
The one thing that everyone seems to agree is that it was very courageously done: Burne, p. 295, says "Richard died like a king." Croyland said he died "like a brave and most valiant prince" (Burne, p. 296). Vergil reports, "King Richard alone was killed fighting manfully in the thickest press of his enemies... his courage was high and fierce and failed him not even at the death which, when his men forsook him, he preferred to take by the sword rather than, by foul flight, to prolong his life" (Gillingham, pp. 244-245).
The tendency on the part of Richard's partisans has been to blame his supporters for the defeat. Northumberland is the one usually blamed. Kendall thinks Northumberland's inertia was due to dislike for Richard. Ross, p. 167, observes that the two had had been at loggerheads from the early 1470s. He also notes that the Percies were among the oldest of the noble families, and that Richard was closely linked with the Neville family, rivals of the Percies. (He doesn't say much about the fact that the Percies had a history of rebellion against kings in power.) Cunningham, p. 75, suspects that Richard was dead by the time Henry Percy was in position to intervene -- though this doesn't explain why Northumberland's forces were so far from the field. Cunningham also suspects that it was new continental tactics which defeated Richard: Henry Tudor's mercenaries formed square to take Richard's cavalry charge, and it worked.
Gillingham goes on to call Richard a "disaster" as king. I truly don't see why -- unless one says that his death was disastrous because it put England under the Tudors. Legislatively, as we have seen, Richard's reign was unquestionably good. This is true even if one accepts the Seward/Weir view that he was a monster.
Perhaps we should give the last word to Ross-Wars, p. 100, who writes, "Richard was by no means the personification of evil which he was to become in the hands of hostile Tudor propagandists. He had charm, energy, and ability, and he worked hard to win popularity. But it took time to live down the legacy of suspicion and mistrust generated by the violence of his usurpation. Even in that ruthless age, many men were appalled by what they clearly believed to have been his crime against the princes.... Had Henry Tudor's invasion been long delayed, its outcome might have been very different, but in 1485, Richard was still far from having won the confidence of his people in general."
Even with Richard III dead  without an heir after the death of his son Edward, Henry Tudor had his problems. He wasn't Richard's heir by any line of thinking -- but there were three Yorkist possibilities: Elizabeth, the daughter of Edward IV, blocked by the precontract that had blocked her younger brother Edward V; the Earl of Warwick, son of Richard III's older brother George of Clarence, except that Clarence had been attainted (plus Warwick may have been mentally deficient; Potter, p. 168, mentions a contemporary report that he could not "tell a goose from a capon"); and John, Earl of Lincoln, the son of Richard III's oldest sister, who was rather far back in the line of succession if you ignore the precontract and such but who was Richard's official heir (at least, most sources say so, though Ross, p. 158, says that there is "no direct evidence" for this. Even Ross, though, admits on p. 159 that Lincoln was made Lieutenant of Ireland which was the standard post given the Yorkist heir; cf. Cheetham, p. 166; also, Ross notes on p. 182 that Lincoln was president of the Council of the North -- meaning that, in effect, he had been given Richard's own former bailiwick. If we don't have a direct statement that Lincoln was Richard's heir, the indirect evidence is overwhelming).
The Yorkist confusion made it difficult for them to oppose Henry -- and Henry, though his only Plantagenet blood was in a bastard line from John of Gaunt, had all the Lancastrians behind him simply because English politics was so divided that it was better to support a pretender than a legitimate member of the enemy party. Even so, he had to marry Elizabeth of York to strengthen his claim. (Meaning that, even though Henry VII didn't really deserve to be on the throne, all his heirs did. At least genetically.)
Lincoln did raise a revolt in 1387, supposedly on behalf of the pretender Lambert Simnel, but it was crushed at the Battle of Stoke, the last real battle of the Wars of the Roses (Burne, p. 305; Cunningham, p. 79.)
In an interesting twist, Henry set about to destroy all copies of the law which had declared Edward V and his siblings illegitimate. Only one survived, and that seemingly by accident (Jenkins, p. 204). This had an interesting effect: In the absence of that parliamentary declaration, it would seem that Elizabeth of York was rightful queen (and should have been Queen regnant, except that few were ready for that at the time) -- but if somehow either of the princes were still alive, they would be senior to Elizabeth and the rightful rulers. In other words, Henry needed the princes to be legitimate but dead.
This furnishes the strongest evidence that (barring the extremely faint chance that Henry himself killed the princes) he did not know -- and never found out -- where the bodies were buried. If he had had them, he would have displayed them. It would have stopped the Pretenders.
The many, many Pretenders. As early as 1487, a youth named Lambert Simnel was declared to be the nephew of Edward IV and tried to claim the crown. (There was a real problem with this theory, in that Simnel was claiming to be the Earl of Warwick, son of Edward IV's brother George of Clarence, and Warwick was still alive in Tudor custody!) Henry VII let Simnel live (while executing the Earl of Lincoln, who had been deep in the conspiracy); the boy seemed harmless enough. (For more on Lambert, see the notes to "The Mayor of Waterford's Letter.") Fields, pp. 203-205, reports on a speculation that Lambert was a scapegoat or stalking-horse for one of the real Princes, who had somehow survived and was now in a position to lead a rebellion against Henry -- but I just don't buy it; if the myriad conspirators had had a real Yorkist prince, they wouldn't have bothered with Lambert. (Fields, p. 225,  even reports on modern attempts to prove that various sixteenth century people were the princes in hiding. One of these unlikely claims is made on behalf of Thomas More's son-in-law by adoption. Believe *that* if you can....)
In 1491, an even more serious impersonator showed up in Perkin Warbeck, who eventually claimed to be Richard of York, the younger prince in the tower. Warbeck -- who, unlike Simnel, was an adult directly involved in the plotting -- was executed in 1497, but he had gained a strong following before then. (For more on Perkin, see "The Praise of Waterford.") More rebellions would follow -- e.g. the Earl of Suffolk, the younger brother of the Earl of Lincoln was on the run from 1499 until Henry caught himin 1506 (Cunningham, p. 85). Supposedly there was even an attempt to prevent the succession of Henry VIII. But none of these plots was as dangerous as Warbeck.
Even Henry's own garrison of Calais struggled with the matter. In 1503, when Elizabeth of York died, the garrison debated the claims of Edward de la Pole (the brother of the Earl of Lincoln)  and the Duke of Buckingham (the son of Richard's duke). Supposedly Henry VIII was not even discussed as a potential heir to Henry Tudoe (Russell, p. 69).
 Henry's response to the "feigned boys" should dispose largely of More's story of where the princes were buried, and entirely wash out Tyrell's confession. If either of these stories were true, then Henry VII would have known where the princes' bodies were, and would have exhumed them. Simple as that. It is Henry Tudor's behavior, not Richard's, that created the mystery of the Princes in the Tower. Had Henry sought to find out the truth, he might have found the bodies and he almost certainly would have found out the truth -- and the truth almost certainly would have pointed at Richard in some way. He *didn't* try, and so created a great mystery. (Not that that relieves Richard's guilt, of course -- it just means that the mystery remains.)
>> THE LEGEND OF THE PRINCES AND THE CONTENT OF THE SONG <<
Of course, the truth doesn't really matter here. The princes could have been taken up into heaven by chariots of fire for all the difference it made. What counts is that most people thought Richard had killed his nephews, and that Henry Tudor assuredly wanted them to believe it. And Henry Tudor was definitely capable of propaganda -- just consider the history he commissioned from Vergil. Of course, histories weren't (and aren't) much good at persuading the common people. Popular songs would be a more likely method.
On the other hand, the fact that so few people associated the song with Richard III argues that, if it *was* propaganda, it was a little too subtle. But then, Henry VII was one of the sneakiest creatures ever spawned. Being direct and open probably never even occurred to him.
The various versions of the song (the oldest broadside, Bodleian Harding B 4(30), Percy) match the legend on these points:
* There were two children, taken away by their uncle, and the bodies were never found.
"They were taken away on a warm summer's day." EdwardV was originally to have been crowned in June. Richard III was crowned in July, by which time the Princes were almost gone from sight. So the disappeared in summer, though there is no specific day on which they vanished. And they may not have died until fall.
* The uncle faces disasters until brought to justice. Richard of course faced many blows -- Buckingham's rebellion, the death of his son, the death of his wife -- though they don't match those in the song.
On the other hand, the song differs from the situation of the Princes in the Tower in several important regards:
1. In the broadside and Percy's version, the children are a boy and a girl, not two boys (Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville had sundry daughters, but all the daughters lived -- indeed, the oldest became the wife of Henry VII).
2. In the broadside and Percy's version, the wife dies before the children -- but Elizabeth Woodville lived until 1492, dying nine years after Edward IV and at least six years after her sons died. It is true that Henry VII pushed Elizabeth Woodville out of public life in 1487 (Poole, p. 16) -- but that is still after the princes were dead.
3. In the Stationer's Register record (which has to be this song if the link to Richard III is to be maintained), the tale is of a "Norfolk Gentleman." Edward IV had very little to do with Norfolk -- prior to becoming King, he was Earl of March, a holding centered on the Welsh border. His father was Duke of York, based in the north; York also had extensive holdings in Ireland. If you had to pick one place where Edward IV had the least influence, it was surely East Anglia. Nor did Richard III have any significant holdings in Norfolk -- he was based mostly in the north, especially the northwest, and also had power along the Welsh border. 
(This does raise one interesting possibility. The younger of the two Princes in the Tower, Richard, was theoretically Duke of Norfolk -- but he was *actually* Duke of York, and known by that title. Anywhere that "Norfolk" would fit, "Yorkshire" would fit -- and a reference to Yorkshire would be much clearer. Note that John Howard became Duke of Norfolk in Richard's reign, in the place of prince Richard. Norfolk was not prince Richard's uncle, but he *was* the heir of Anne Mowbray, prince Richard's wife in that unconsummated marriage. Although almost no one takes it seriously, there have been a few accusations that John Howard murdered the boys -- mostly to gain the Norfolk earldom. He was not the uncle of the princes, even by marriage; he was a cousin. But, given the age differences, might not a propagandist trying to blame things on Norfolk have called him the princes' uncle?)
4. The older child in the broadside is only five, whereas Edward V was twelve when his father died. In Percy's version, this is even more extreme, the boy  was "not passing three years old," and the girl even younger. Of course this might have been suggested by Henry Tudor's claim that Richard III shed "infants' blood." But if the song had been written after Henry VII took power, why not use the actual ages of the children?
5. In Percy's text, the children are kept in Richard's house "a twelvemonth and a daye." But the Princes were never in Richard's house, and were (probably) eliminated within months.
6. This is a point of logic, not a matter of the content of the song, but recall that Henry VII for the most part tried to ignore the Princes, never searching for their bodies (Fields, p. 189) and waiting for years before releasing an unsubstantiated and absurd statement about their death. Would he have wanted the matter brought up again in a song?
To sum up: this song could easily have originated as a piece of propaganda. But, of course, that requires that it be much, much older than even the Stationer's Register date, and we can't prove that even that is this song. And if the extant versions, including the Bodleian broadside, represents the original form (not a safe bet, to be sure), the allegory theory is much weakened.
At this point I'll offer a wild speculation, which I don't really believe: Could the short three-verse version be the original which some Tudor boot-licker proceeded to convert into a propaganda piece? (The problem with this theory, of course, is that there is absolutely no early evidence that anything like this happened.)
Or another speculation:The story of the bodies of the princes being walled up was found in a note in the margin of Thomas More's history, said note being written in 1647. Based on the circumstances described, this discovery must have been made by 1614 (though apparently after 1603; Fields, p. 247). The two bodies discovered at the time were thought to be six to eight years old. Obviously the bodies were of children too young to be the princes -- but they *could* be the children in the song!
For more details on the background to this final phase of the Wars of the Roses, see the notes to "The Rose of England [Child 166]"; also some tangential references in "Jane Shore" and (especially) "The Vicar of Bray."
One incidental note for the Science Fiction fans out there (I know a lot of SF fans like traditional music): Randall Garrett's much-loved "Lord Darcy" stories refer to a "Richard the Great" who revived the Angevin empire. According to "A Matter of Gravity," Richard the Great lived in the late fifteenth century. In other words, Richard the Great was Richard III. - RBW
>>BIBLIOGRAPHY<<:
My initial draft of this was written out of my own head; the Wars of the Roses fascinate me. In rewriting my original version, I've consulted the sources listed below. Take it as given that, just like me, they all have biases. Not every book in the bibliography below is about Richard, but for those which are, I see very little choice but to try to describe what viewpoint each source takes.
Anderson: George K. Anderson, _Old and Middle English Literature from the Beginnings to 1485_ (Volume I of _A History of English Literature)_, Oxford, 1950 (I use the 1962 Collier edition)
Ashley: Mike Ashley, _British Kings and Queens_, Barnes & Noble, 2000 (originally published as _The Mammoth Book of British Kings and Queens_, 1998). Mammoth it certainly is, and even so, it covers so much territory that it must necessarily be brief in what it says about individual monarchs, but as far as I've tested it, it's accurate though lacking in footnotes. Perhaps because of the way it is compiled, it has a rather mixed view of Richards; it calls him a promising king in the entry on Richard, but takes a dim view of his actions in the entry on Edward V and even takes Weir seriously.
Ashley-GB: Maurice Ashley, _Great Britain to 1688_, University of Michigan Press, 1961. Very anti-Richard, and it gives short shrift to the whole Yorkist period, but it is interesting for the Tudor period.
Bainton: Roland H. Bainton, _The Reformation of the sixteenth century_, Beacon Press, 1952 (I use the 1959 paperback edition). Not about Richard, of course (in fact, none of the Yorkist kings are even mentioned), but with useful information about Tudor religious policy.
BarkerEtAl: Nicolas Barker and others, _Treasures of the British Library_, Harry N, Abrams, 1988
Burne: A. H. Burne, _The Battlefields of England_ (a compilation of two volumes from the 1950s, _Battlefields of England_ and _More Battlefields of England_, with a new introduction by Robert Hardy), Pen & Sword, 2005. A study of the battles at which Richard fought, though over-influenced by Burne's own opinions on how battles "ought" to be fought.
Cheatham: Anthony Cheetham, _The Life and Times of Richard III_ (with introduction by Antonia Fraser), George Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1972 (I used the 1995 Shooting Star Press edition). Like Kendall, an attempt at a Richard III biography, making real attempt to weigh the material. Mildly pro-Richard but accusing him of many mistakes. It seems to me that this is closer to a fair view of Richard than any of the other books cited -- though it is sadly lacking in footnotes.
Cunningham: Sean Cunningham: _Richard III: A Royal Enigma_, [English] National Archives, 2003. This is supposed to be mostly a collection of sources, though there is a lot of interpretation as well, which strikes me as slightly anti-Richard.
Dockray: Keith Dockray, _Edward IV: A Source Book_, Sutton, 1999. Although similar in concept to Cunningham, this provides far more source material, and with a lower rate of commentary. Of course, its subject is less controversial.
Earle: Peter Earle, _The Life and Times of Henry V_, Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1972.
Fields: Bertram Fields, _Royal Blood: Richard III and the Mystery of the Princes_, ReganBooks, 1998. This is sort of an attempt to try Richard III under modern rules of evidence, assigning probabilities. The verdict, not surprisingly, is "not proven." It does seem to me that Fields ignores a few important bits of anti-Richard evidence (and puts too much effirt into contradicting Weir, who frankly isn't worth the effort, since the complete lack of value of her book is so patent). Too often it relies on recent interpretations of primary sources rather than the sources themselves -- e.g. his description of Bosworth seems to be taken almost entirely from Kendall. Also like Kendall, it seems to go a little too far -- confusing a reasonable doubt with innocence. It is clear he believe Richard innocent (probably innocent even of the murders of the princes), but tries to make a case both ways.
Fraser: Antonia Frasier, _Royal Charles: Charles II and the Restoration_ , Delta, 1979 (originally titled _King Charles II_ and published by Weidenfeld and Nicolson).
Garnett and Gosse: Richard Garnett and Edmund Gosse, _English Literature: An Illustrated Record_ four volumes, MacMillan, 1903-1904 (I used the 1935 edition published in two volumes)
Gillingham: John Gillingham, _The Wars of the Roses_, Louisiana State University,1981. A good history of the Wars, though it seems to me to have a bit of a Lancastrian tilt. It is clearly anti-Richard. It has a chapter-by-chapter bibliography but no footnotes.
Gillingham also tries to deny a fundamental fact of the Wars of the Roses: That the wars were the consequence of the deposition of Richard II. He states his case explicitly on pp. 2-3, pointing out that this Shakespeare-inspired view is dramatically wrong. Unfortunately, Gillingham throws out the baby with the bathwater: Shakespeare's view of divine kingship needs to go, but not the fact that Richard II's deposition led to the Wars of the Roses.
The origin of the Wars perhaps needs to be emphasized, because it's essential to understanding the period. Prior to the deposition of Richard II, English kings had been set aside, the most important example being Edward II in 1327. But Edward II had been succeeded by his son Edward III. The deposition of Richard II was the first time since the reign of Stephen in 1135-1154 that a monarch had not been succeeded by the previously-accepted heir. And, what is more, it was brought about by a revolution by the high magnates. This showed something that hadn't really been considered before (to twist Tacitus's observation about Galba's election to the Principate; _Histories_ I.4): "A secret of the monarchy had been revealed, that the Barons could make a king."
Gillingham is right in part: Had the Lancastrian dynasty been successful and prolific, its illegitimate origins would surely have been forgotten, just as it has been forgotten that the Tudors were even more illegitimate -- and hence Elizabeth II herself legally undeserving of the throne. But the Lancastrians were not prolific, and Henry VI was a disaster. It was clear that he had to go. And *someone* had to succeed him. The barons had by this time been drawn into various factions, and Edward III had left many, many descendents with at least some claim to the throne. Given the certainty that a new king would have to be chosen, naturally they all tried to improve their situation by supporting their candidates. It was partisanship with longbows. The actual monarchs involved were, in some ways, almost incidental. (There is actually a board game, called "Kingmaker," produced by Avalon Hill, which makes them *entirely* incidental. They are just markers on the board. All power belongs to the nobles. This exaggerates, but it reveals the situation clearly.)
Halliday: F. E. Halliday, _A Concise History of England: From Stonehenge to the Atomic Age_, 1964, 1980; I use the 1986 Thames and Hudson paperback edition. It dismisses Richard III in a few paragraphs that follow the traditional line, but has interesting notes on the aftermath.
Harvey: John Harvey, _The Plantagenets_ 1959 (I used the 1979 Fontana edition). A short history of the period, with some strange prejudices -- Harvey's main criterion for a "good king" seems to be that there were good works of art created in his reign -- but relatively balanced and supplying a clear overview. He takes the middle line on Richard III: That Richard usurped the throne (obvious), that he almost certainly had his nephews murdered (likely), but that he was not deliberately vile and tried to be a good king once he reached the throne.
Hicks: Michael Hicks, _Edward V: The Prince in the Tower_, Tempus, 2003. The only recent biography of the most important pawn in the game. Sadly, it is repetitive, and though it manages to be fairly objective through the first 80% or so of the content, in the last portion the author finally lets his anti-Richard feelings loose -- with the unfortunate effect that he loses the power of reason about such things as the succession laws. Hicks in any case seems to make his career out of taking contrarian views -- e.g., in his work on George of Clarence, he claimed that Clarence did not deserve to be executed for treason (see Dockray, p. 97). Yet we know that Clarence was *guilty* of treason with Warwick in 1469-1471, and we also know that Clarence engaged in extra-judicial torture and execution (Dockray, pp. 96-97, 104-105). The Act of Attainder accuses him of claiming to be the heir of Henry VI after the latter was dead -- which, indeed, he had been declared in 1470-1471 (Dockray, p. 105). Hicks surely protests too much; Clarence needed to be controlled. In _Edward V_, his level of source citation is erratic but generally adequate.
Jenkins: Elizabeth Jenkins, _The Princes in the Tower_, 1978. Another attempt at a balanced look at the controversy of the Princes. It strikes me as a little bit Tudor-biased, but relatively fair to Richard himself. It is not footnoted.
Keegan/Wheatcroft: John Keegan and Andrew Wheatcroft, _Who's Who in Military History from 1453_, 1976, 1987 (I use the 1991 Promotional Reprint Company edition).
Kendall: Paul Murray Kendall, _Richard the Third_ (1955, 1956). The leading modern defence of Richard III. Gillingham calls it "overindulgent," which is obviously true. Certainly Kendall sometimes lets his imagination run away with him, resulting in some rather romantic notions -- e.g. on pp. 113-114 Kendall speculates that the Marquis of Montagu was determined not to survive the Battle of Bosworth,as if any fifteenth century noble had that sort of inner conflict! (This seems to be based on Warkworth's statement, quoted on p. 85 of Dockray, that Montagu wore Edward IV's livery while fighting for Henry VI. But Warkworth also says Montagu had an agreement with Edward IV, and this clearly was not true.) It is certainly the most likely of the books cited to dig up a pro-Richard interpretation -- so much so that it verges on the unreliable. Yet, unlike so many of the books cited here, he gives full and adequate footnotes.
Kenyon/Adams: Sir Frederic Kenyon, _Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts_, revised by A. W. Adams, Harper, 1958
Lofts: Norah Lofts, _Anne Boleyn_, Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1979
Mattingly: Garrett Mattingly, _Catherine of Aragon_, 1941 (I use the 1990 Book-of-the-Month club edition)
Mirsky: Jeannette Mirsky, _To the Arctic: The Story of Northern Exploration from the Earliest Times to the Present_, revised edition, Knopf, 1948
Morris: Christopher Morris, _The Tudors_, 1955 (I used the 1981 Fontana edition).
OxfordCompanion: John Cannon, editor, _The Oxford Companion to British History_, Oxford, 1997. A very big book with only a relatively small section on the Wars of the Roses, but very useful for dates. The entry on Richard III tries to balance the two sides, though it gives the impression the author does not approve of Richard.
Perroy: Edouard Perroy, _The Hundred Years War_ (French edition published 1945; English translation by W. B. Wells, with an introduction by David C. Douglas, printed by Capricorn 1965).
Poole: Stanley B. R. Poole, _Royal Mysteries and Pretenders_, Barnes & Noble, 1993.
Potter: Jeremy Potter, _Good King Richard? An Account of Richard III and His Reputation_, 1983 (I use the 1989 Constable edition). Not a book of history but a semi-critical study of other works about Richard III. The author is very pro-Richard, and it shows; he lays things onvery thick (e.g. repudiating the Croyland Chronicler -- our only witness inside the government -- as unreliable simply because Potter doesn't like his attitude). But it is sometimes useful as a look at information other books refuse to acknowledge as long as it is kept in mind that it isn't very reliable in the statements it makes of itself.
Prestwich: Michael Prestwich, _The Three Edwards: War and State in England, 1272-1377_, 1980; I use the 2001 Routledge paperback edition.
Ross: Charles Ross, _Richard III_, University of California Press, 1981. One of the most widely respected modern books, though it disclaims the title "biography." It is rather anti-Richard (without seeming to realize it), although it considers him a child of his times. Potter considers it to be a sort of answer to Kendall. The ending of Ross is peculiar. he gets to the last few pages, and suddenly seems to reconsider his entire book. He comments on p. 229, "To put Richard thus into the context of his own violent age is not to make him morally a better man, but at least it makes him more understandable. In the climate of high politics of his own day, his mistakes may then be seen as errors of judgement rather than moral failures." Yet the tone of his entire book, which insults Richard repeatedly, seems to contradict his conclusion. Of all the books in this list, I can't help but think that it is the best-researched and most valuable if you ignore all its little snide asides -- but it seems clear that the author went in with an attitude which he never managed to shake.
Ross-Wars, Charles Ross, _The Wars of the Roses: A Concise History_, Thames and Hudson, 1976.
Rubin: Miri Rubin, _The Hollow Crown: A History of Britain in the Late Middle Ages_, Penguin, 2005. Despite the title, this is a history of England, not Britain, and it touches on this period only briefly and with rather loose chronology and many small factual slips. It also has the sort of ultra-feminist sympathy which leads it even to be patient with the notion of witchcraft (as long as it's women doing it). But it has interesting details about Richard III's library.
Russell: Conrad Russell, _The Crisis of Parliaments: English History 1509-1660_, Oxford, 1971
Rylands: [no author listed], _The John Rylands Library, Manchester: Catalogue of an Exhibition Illustrating the History of the Transmission of the Bible in commemoration of the400th Anniversary of the Publication of Coverdale's Bible, in October, 1535_, Manchester University Press, 1935,
Saul: Nigel Saul, _Richard II_ (part of the Yale English Monarchs series), Yale, 1997.
Scarisbrick: J. J. Scarisbrick, _Henry VIII_, University of California Press, 1968
Seward-Hundred: Desmond Seward, _The Hundred Years War: The English in France, 1337-1453_, 1978 (I used the 1982 Atheneum edition). This has nothing at all to say about Richard III, who was busy being born as the Hundred Years War ended, but it is a highly readable (though un-footnoted) history of the period up to the reign of Henry VI, helping to explain why the Wars of the Roses came about.
Seward-Richard: Desmond Seward, _Richard III: England's Black Legend_, 1983; I use the 1984 Franklin Watts edition. Very unlike Seward-Hundred, starting with the fact that it's footnoted. (Though utterly inadequately; some absolutely outrageous statements have no source information at all. Seward has seven pages of notes for 199 pages of book. That's a grand total of 129 footnotes. This article by itself has over 550 footnotes. Kendall has 65 pages of notes for 514 of text. And when Seward does bother with a footnote, it is often to snipe at his source rather than to cite it.) Seward admits that this is "the most hostile life of Richard III to appear for over a century." Like Weir, the other extreme anti-Richard book, it is based largely on Thomas More. Because I acquired it when this account was almost done, I have used it relatively sparingly though I have tried to take it more seriously than Weir. I do find it hard to respect any historian who takes More seriously, though.
Plus he either lies or sees the world through such anti-Richard glasses as to distort fact -- e.g. on p. 122 he says that "Kendall investigates, and rejects, the theory that Buckingham contrived [the Princes'] murder." Kendall does indeed examine the possibility, on pp. 487-495. But he hardly rejects it. On p. 494, he suggests, "Empirically, Buckingham appears more likely than Richard to have been the murderer of the Princes," and on p. 495 concludes by saying "The Duke of Buckingham may well have committed the crime, or persuaded Richard to allow its commission." One may of course disagree with Kendall (as I do), but at least don't lie about what he says! 
Seward-Roses: Desmond Seward, _The Wars of the Roses_, 1995. This too is very different from Seward's other books; it has footnotes, but is built around the biographies of several major players of the period. His particular concern seems Margaret Beaufort, the mother of Henry VII, whom he considered a major player in the 1485 rebellion (for Seward, it seems almost to have been a chess match between Margaret and Richard III). What makes this particularly interesting is the fact that, assuming Henry VII had a claim to the throne at all, he should have been second to his mother Margaret, since she was the one who carried on the Beaufort line. Seward's overall tone is of course strongly anti-Richard,and at times this does cause him to distort facts (e.g. on page 23 he says that Richard of York, Richard III's father, was "the only living Prince of the Blood Royal." This is both wrong in fact -- it ignores the Staffords of Buckingham -- and in nomenclature, since in England the only prince was the Prince of Wales.)
St. Aubyn: Giles St. Aubyn, _The Year of Three Kings: 1483_, 1983. This book is almost entirely about the death of Edward IV, the brief reign of Edward V, and the accession of Richard III, though it extends all the way to Bosworth. It seems to me that it is intended to make Richard look as black as possible while pretending to sift the evidence. Its pro-Tudor bias can be easily demonstrated by, e.g., its map of the field of Bosworth, where it calls the officers of the Tudor army by their shadow titles (e.g. Henry Tudor himself is called "Richmond").
Warren-Henry: W. L. Warren, _Henry II_, University of California Press, 1973; I use the 1977 paperback edition.
Warren-John: W. L. Warren, _King John_, University of California Press, 1961, 1978.
Weir: Alison Weir, _The Princes in the Tower_, 1992. I hesitate even to cite this; it's that bad. The jacket notes to this claim a "conclusive solution" to the problem of the Princes in the Tower. Its "conclusive solution" consists of following Thomas More wherever this makes Richard look black, even though his account is demonstrably full of errors and falsehoods. Where More fails to be vile enough for Weir, she just makes something up. Therefore I have generally treated this as a piece of propaganda and used primarily the information about the examination of the bones that might be those of the princes. Weir's credulity is witnessed by the fact that, on page 8, declares that the apparent eyewitness detail cited by More adds to its value -- in fact, most early histories fabricate "eyewitness" testimony. More's chief "eyewitness" in any case was Bishop Morton of Ely, who helped raise More but who was about as impartial a witness as Henry Tudor himself. It is obvious that this book (unlike, say, Ross) is nearly useless. Especially since it has no footnotes. Fields, p. 22, readily concurs in this judgment:"[I]f Richard was guilty, nothing in Weir's book demonstrates it." (Admittedly Fields is biased the other way, but he has the training to see how feeble Weir's argument is.)
Wilkinson: B. Wilkinson, _The Later Middle Ages in England, 1216-1485_, Longmans, 1969 (I use the 1980 paperback edition). A history of the general period, with some strange attitudes (e.g. it accepts, on pp. 299-300, that Richard had a withered arm). It generally comes out against Richard, but doesn't seem to have a particular axe to grind.
Williamson: James A. Williamson, _The Tudor Age_, 1953, 1957, 1964; I use the slightly revised 1979 Longman paperback edition. Mostly about post-Richard events but with notes on how Henry came to the throne. It strikes me as operating on a very dangerous line of logic: Elizabeth I was great (which she was), therefore Henry VII must have been great (which certainly would not have been the opinion of the people he so heavily taxed), therefore Richard III must have been awful (which of course does not follow no matter what Henry VII was like). Williamson even seems to approve of the dreadful Bishop Morton (see page 37), the evil genius behind Morton's Fork, which might be better called Morton's Method of Legal Extortion. (To be sure, Williamson on p. 38 assures us that Morton did not invent Morton's Fork. This may well be true, but the fact that it was blamed on him shows what sort of minister he was.)
Young/Adair: Peter Young & John Adair, _Hastings to Culloden: Battles of Britain_, 1964, 1979; third edition published by Sutton Publishing, 1996. Devoted to many battles, but grants as much space to Bosworth as anything -- though the reconstruction strikes me as extremely fanciful. About all we can say about its attitude toward Richard is that it concludes its entry by saying (p. 106), "Whatever he merited as man or king, as a soldier King Richard deserved a better end." - RBW
File: LQ34
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NAME: Children's Song: see The Wife of Usher's Well [Child 79] (File: C079)
===
NAME: Chilly Winds
DESCRIPTION: Characteristic line: "I'm going where the chilly winds don't blow." The others may complain about life, weather, or women: "I'm leaving in the spring, ain't coming back till fall." "Who'll be your daddy while I'm gone"
AUTHOR: unknown (credited on Paramount recording to Paul Carter)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (recording, Charlie Jackson)
KEYWORDS: nonballad clothes home separation floatingverses
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
MWheeler, p. 29, "I'm Goin' Down the River Befo' Long" (1 text, 1 tune, a combination of this with "I'm Going Down the River")
DT, CHILWIND*
ADDITIONAL: Zora Neale Hurston, _Mules and Men_ (New York,1990 (paperback edition of 1935 original)), pp. 255-256, "East Coast Blues" (with tune)
Roud #3419
RECORDINGS:
Charlie Jackson, "I'm Going Where Chilly Winds Don't Blow" (Paramount 12335, 1926; rec. 1925)
Riley Puckett, "I'm Going Where The Chilly Winds Don't Blow"  (Columbia 15392-D, 1929; rec. 1927)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Going Across the Sea" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Make Me a Pallet on Your Floor" (floating lyrics)
NOTES: For those of us who first met this song in its touched-up Kingston Trio form, it may seem surprising to note that it's almost incoherent. But the truly traditional versions seem to be characterized largely by floating verses, with a plot frequently obscured under the weight of this material. - RBW
File: MWhee029
===
NAME: Chimbley Sweeper: see I'm a Poor Old Chimney Sweeper (File: Wa189)
===
NAME: Chimney Swallow, The: see I'm a Poor Old Chimney Sweeper (File: Wa189)
===
NAME: China Doll: see Milking Pails (China Doll) (File: R356)
===
NAME: China Merchant, The
DESCRIPTION: A chinaware merchant lodges with a baker's wife. She plots with her husband and servant to rob the merchant: the servant won't kiss the merchant until he shaves. They plan to pick his pocket while he is being shaved. The barber warns him. He escapes.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1909 (GreigDuncan2)
KEYWORDS: seduction warning escape husband wife servant thief hair trick
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
GreigDuncan2 311, "The China Merchant" (1 text)
Roud #5865
NOTES: The GreigDuncan2 text omits the narrative that completes the story. The description follows the GreigDuncan2 notes that fill in those gaps. - BS
File: GrD2311
===
NAME: Chinaman, The
DESCRIPTION: Dennis Clancy grew rich among the Chinese Tea growers. He died and left all to his nephew who takes the name Ling Chung Chang Awong, wears his hair "in one long plait" and plans to "found an Irish colony." He leaves Ireland for Hong Kong.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1965 (OLochlainn-More)
KEYWORDS: emigration China Ireland humorous
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
OLochlainn-More 46, "The Chinaman" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9762
File: OLcM046
===
NAME: Chinee Bumboatman, The
DESCRIPTION: Forebitter with a pidgin-English chorus. Story involves a sailor (Wing Chang Loo) of the Yangtze who falls in love with a girl who is herself in love with a pirate. Loo declares war on the pirate, a battle ensues that ends up blowing up both their ships.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1961 (Hugill)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Forebitter with a pidgin-English chorus. Story involves a sailor (Wing Chang Loo) of the Yangtze who falls in love with a girl who is herself in love with a pirate. Loo declares war on the pirate, a battle ensues that ends up blowing up both their ships. Chorus: "Hitchee-kum, kitchee-kum, ya ya ya! Sailorman no likee me, No savvy the story of Wing Chang Loo, Too much of the bober-eye-ee, Kye-eye!"
KEYWORDS: shanty foc's'le sailor battle China pirate foreigner
FOUND_IN: Britain
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Hugill, pp. 455-456, "The Chinee Bumboatman" (1 text, 1 tune) [AbEd, pp. 340-341]
Roud #10465
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Little Ah Sid" (style)
cf. "Das Sampanmadchen (The Sampan Maiden)" (some similar verses)
File: Hugi455
===
NAME: Chiney Doll: see Milking Pails (China Doll) (File: R356)
===
NAME: Chipeta's Ride
DESCRIPTION: "From mountains covered deep with snow... Where once dwelt Ouray, the king of the land, With Chipeta his queen...." The Utes battle the whites, and disaster threatens. Ouray, striken with Bright's Disease, cannot lead; Chipeta bears his orders for peace
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1951 (Poems of the Old West)
KEYWORDS: Indians(Am.) battle disease husband wife
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Burt, pp. 147-149, "(Chipeta's Ride)" (1 excerpted text, which is unlikely to have had music since it is highly irregular; also a single stanza of another song perhaps about this event)
NOTES: This is one of those places where, for the most part, the folklore is the story. According to Burt, in 1878, one N. C. Meeker decided to forcibly convert the Utes of northern Colorado from hunter-gatherers into a "civilized" people.
What followed was ugly on all sides. Meeker plowed up a Ute racetrack, then called in the Army to defend himself. The troops were warned off by the Utes, but came on anyway, and a battle followed. Chief Ouray (c. 1833-1880) was far away and reportedly not part of the planning. When he heard of the battle, he ordered it stopped, and his wife Chipeta carried the order.
Ouray of course was real, and did indeed work to control Ute uprisings -- and to protect his people's interests. And Nathan Cook Meeker (1817-1879), Indian Agent to the Utes from 1878, did try to impose his ideas on them, and eventually was killed as a result. But history, as Burt admits, doesn't document Chipeta's Ride.
In the Really Strange Speculations department, reading Josephy Wheelan's _Invading Mexico: America's Continental Dream and the Mexican War 1846-1848_ (Carroll & Graf, 2007), pp. 91-92, I observe that major hostilities began when a Mexican force crossed the Rio Grande to try to interfere with American communications. An American scouting force, insufficiently cautious, was chopped to bits, the survivors captured. Their guide, who had refused to ride into the ambush, carried word of the disaster to the American general Zachary Taylor. This guide was named Chipita. I would assume this is coincidence, except that maybe it inspired the name of the heroine in this song. - RBW
File: Burt147
===
NAME: Chippewa Girl, The [Laws H10]
DESCRIPTION: The singer sees a pretty Chippewa girl and proposes marriage. She refuses him, saying she is too young and her parents would not approve. The two part amicably, with the singer making a few general remarks about marriage
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Mackenzie)
KEYWORDS: Indians(Am.) courting family marriage
FOUND_IN: US(MW) Canada(Mar,Newf)
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
Laws H10, "The Chippewa Girl"
Beck 45, "The Chippewa Girl" (1 text)
Leach-Labrador 94, "Chippawa Girl" (1 text, 1 tune)
Mackenzie 54, "The Chippewa Stream" (1 text, 1 tune)
DY 705, CHIPGIRL
Roud #1938
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Braes of Strathblane" (words, theme and references there)
NOTES: The Leach-Labrador version is "The Braes of Strathblane" relocated to "the Chippewa stream." The difference between Laws H10 and Braes of Strablane is that Laws [does not in his description include the ending -- found] in Leach-Labrador and Mackenzie -- in which the girl is finally rejected.
Mackenzie -- with its change of mind by both parties -- strengthens the argument that this is just "Braes of Strathblane" relocated. My earlier thought that Laws had not seen such a version is demonstrated to be false; Mackenzie is one of his two sources for H10. - BS
File: LH10
===
NAME: Chirping of the Lark, the: see Bronson's comments under Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne [Child 118] (File: C118)
===
NAME: Chisholm Trail (I), The
DESCRIPTION: Stories of the troubles of a cowboy watching the herds. Characterized by the chorus, "Come-a ti yi yippy, yippy yea, yippy yea, Come-a ti yi yippy, yippy yea, yippy yea." Dozens of verses, printable and unprintable, cover all parts of the cowboy life
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1910 (Lomax, Cowboy Songs)
KEYWORDS: cowboy work
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (15 citations)
Randolph 179, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text, 1 tune)
BrownIII 217, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text, though one suspects it's composite since it's 29 stanzas long!)
Sandburg, pp. 266-267, "The Lone Star Trail" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fowke/Mills/Blume, pp. 136-138, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fife-Cowboy/West 78, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (2 texts, 1 tune, the "B" text being "Eleven Slash Slash Eleven")
Larkin, pp. 19-25, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Lomax-FSUSA 57, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Lomax-ABFS pp. 376-379, "The Old Chizzum Trail" (1 long text (compiled from many sources), 1 tune)
Lomax-FSNA 188, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-AmFolklr, pp. 851-852, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text, 1 tune)
LPound-ABS, 76, pp. 167-170, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text)
Arnett, p. 125, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 108, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 long text, probably composite)
Saffel-CowboyP, p. 184-186, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (1 text)
DT, CHISHLM*
Roud #3438
RECORDINGS:
Jules Allen, "Chisolm Trail" (Victor V-40167, 1929; Montgomery Ward M-4463, 1933)
The Cartwright Brothers, "On The Old Chisolm Trail" (Columbia 15346-D, 1929)
Edward L. Crain, "The Old Chisolm Trail" (Crown 3275, 1932)
Girls of the Golden West, "Old Chisolm Trail" (Bluebird B-5718, 1934)
Tex Hardin, "The Old Chisolm Trail" (Champion 16552, 1933; Montgomery Ward M-4954, 1936)
Harry Jackson, "The Dally Roper's Song" (on HJackson1)
Harry "Haywire Mac" McClintock "The Old Chisholm Trail" (Victor 21421, 1928; on AuthCowboys, BackSaddle)
Patt Patterson & his Champion Rep Riders, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (Perfect 164/Banner 32091 [as Patt Patterson & Lois Dexter], 1931)
Sain Family, "The Texas Trail" (Montgomery Ward M-7187, 1937)
Jack Weston, "The Texas Trail" (Van Dyke 84292, n.d.; on MakeMe)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Chisholm Trail (II)" (tune & meter)
cf. "Eleven Slash Slash Eleven" (tune & meter)
NOTES: It should be noted that there is no clear distinction between the "clean" and "dirty" versions of this song (the latter being "Chisholm Trail (II)"); a particular singer could make it as raunchy as desired. We split them not because they are distinct songs but because the song is so frequently bowdlerized. It would be slightly false to say the versions listed here are rewritten versions of the song and "Chisholm Trail (II)" are unedited versions -- but only slightly false.
E. A. Brininstool wrote a poem, "The Chisholm Trail."  It is unrelated -- a reminiscence of cowboy days. - RBW
File: R179
===
NAME: Chisholm Trail (II), The
DESCRIPTION: This is a virtually endless sexual adventure of a cowboy punching the "goddam" herd.  Versions of this ballad vary greatly, including laments for having contracted venereal disease from either the minister's or the Old Man's daughter.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1910 (Lomax, Cowboy Songs)
KEYWORDS: bawdy cowboy humorous sex disease
FOUND_IN: Australia US(Ro,So,SW)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Cray, pp. 186-192, "The Chisholm Trail" (3 texts, 1 tune)
Randolph-Legman I, pp. 199-205, "The Old Chisholm Trail" (5 texts, 2 tunes)
Logsdon 9, pp. 60-69, "Jimmie Tucker" (2 texts, 1 tune, plus many excerpts from mostly-bawdy texts, including some from "Gonna Tie My Pecker to My Leg")
DT, (CHISHLM -- a combination of clean and dirty versions)
Roud #3438
RECORDINGS:
Cowboy Rodgers, "Old Chisholm Trail" (Varsity 5044, c. 1940)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Gonna Tie My Pecker to My Leg"
cf. "The Chisholm Trail (I)" (tune & meter)
NOTES: Annotator G. Legman in Randolph-Legman I lumps "Chisholm Trail" with "Gonna Tie My Pecker to My Leg" versions. - EC
It should be noted that there is no clear distinction between the "clean" and "dirty" versions of this song; a particular singer could make it as raunchy as desired. The split here is a false split, mostly to emphasize that the song has been frequently bowdlerized. - RBW
File: EM186
===
NAME: Chivalrous Shark, The
DESCRIPTION: "The most chivalrous fish of the ocean, To ladies forbearing and mild, Though his record be dark Is the man-eating shark Who will eat neither woman nor child." The song details instances of the shark eating men but rescuing women and the young
AUTHOR: Wallace Irwin ?
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: talltale humorous monster animal
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Silber-FSWB, pp. 400-401, "The Chivalrous Shark" (1 text)
DT, CHIVSHAR*
NOTES: The Digital Tradition lists this as having been copyrighted in 1904 by Wallace Irwin, and certainly it looks like a composed piece. - RBW
File: FSWB400
===
NAME: Choice of a Wife, The
DESCRIPTION: "I will tell you the way I have heard some say To choose you a lovely young creature, To choose you a wife you would love as your life...." The singer says her heart should "be her best part" -- but demands blue eyes, brown hair, slender waist and ankles
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939 (Gardner/Chickering)
KEYWORDS: courting beauty nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Gardner/Chickering 78, "The Choice of a Wife" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST GC078 (Partial)
Roud #3695
NOTES: For the record, the Gardner/Chickering text devotes one stanza to the girl's personality ("not given to flattery and cunning... with a nimble wit... tongue... not always running") but three stanzas to her need for good looks. There is no evidence that the boy brings anything good enough to let him be so picky. - RBW
File: GC078
===
NAME: Cholly Blues, The
DESCRIPTION: "Broke an' hungry, ragged an' dirty too (x2), Jes' want to know, baby, kin I go home wid you?" The singer describes how a hard life made him turn rambler, and promises her subtle rewards. He hopes to find a woman "an' roam no' mo.'"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1934
KEYWORDS: rambling hardtimes floatingverses home
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Lomax-ABFS, pp. 201-203, "The 'Cholly' Blues" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #15554
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Stormalong" (floating verses)
cf. "Deep Blue Sea (II)" (floating verses)
File: LxA201
===
NAME: Chopo
DESCRIPTION: "Through rocky arroyas so dark and so deep, Down the sides of the mountains so slippery and steep... You're a safety conveyance my little Chopo." The singer praises his horse Chopo and describes the excellent service the animal has done
AUTHOR: N. Howard Thorp
EARLIEST_DATE: 1908
KEYWORDS: horse cowboy nonballad
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Thorp/Fife XIV, pp. 191-194 (30-31), "Chopo" (3 texts, 1 tune)
Fife-Cowboy/West 69, "Chopo" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #8049
NOTES: "Chopo" was the name of "Jack" Thorp's favorite horse, which he credits with saving his life during a stampede, and for whom he wrote this song. There is no evidence that it ever entered oral tradition. - RBW
File: TF014
===
NAME: Choppin' Charlie
DESCRIPTION: "Choppin' Charlie, Great Godamighty, Oh Choppin' Charlie, Oh My Lord." "Well he chopped all day." "He don't a-eat no dinner." "He chopped through his supper." "Well he chopped with a hatchet." "Well he choppin' for the sergeant"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1965 (recorded from Johnny Jackson and Frank Young  by Bruce Jackson)
KEYWORDS: work prison
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Jackson-DeadMan, pp. 259-260, "Choppin' Charlie" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Great God A'mighty" (lyrics)
NOTES: This shares many of its verses, and its setting, with "Great God A'mighty." But "Choppin' Charlie" has a plot of sorts, and "Great God A'mighty" is just a chopping song, so I very tentatively split them. - RBW
File: JDM259
===
NAME: Choring Song, The
DESCRIPTION: Travellers' cant. Singer (Drummond) lay last night in a granary; now he's in prison, with "mort" (woman) and "kinshins" (children) scattered. If he  gets back to stealing, he'll "moolie the gahnies [kill the hens] in dozens" to leave none to tell
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1956 (recorded from Travellers in Perthshire)
LONG_DESCRIPTION: Travellers' cant. Singer (Big Jimmie Drummond, lay last night in a cold granary; tonight he's in a cold prison, with his "mort" (woman) and "kinshins" (children) scattered. He) swears that if he ever gets back to stealing, he'll "moolie the gahnies [kill the hens] in dozens" and there'll be no one left to tell on him (He says that if he ever goes to prison, he'll see all his friends, then go back to his wife and family)
KEYWORDS: separation prison theft foreignlanguage chickens children family wife prisoner thief Gypsy
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Kennedy 342, "The Choring Song" (1 text, 1 tune)
MacSeegTrav 97, "Big Jimmie Drummond" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #2157 and 2506
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Cobbler (I)" (structure)
cf. "Charles Guiteau" (lyrics)
NOTES: "Choring" = stealing. This shares verse structure with "Dick Darby," and the "Drummond" version has the classic opening line "My name is Big Jimmie Drummond/My name I'll never deny" from Charles Guiteau and, presumably, its predecessor "The Lamentation of James Rodgers." But the plot, albeit minimal, is different, so it gets its own entry. The song is macaronic, mixing cant with English. - PJS
File: McCST097
===
NAME: Chowan River
DESCRIPTION: The singer overhears a young woman lamenting her lover "gone over Chowan River." Her father had hired a captain to take her love away. The captain murdered her lover. Her father told her to take comfort and wait, but she drowns herself
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1952 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: love separation betrayal murder father money children suicide ship drowning
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownII 74, "Chowan River" (1 text)
Roud #6570
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Nancy of Yarmouth (Jemmy and Nancy; The Barbadoes Lady)" [Laws M38] (plot)
cf. "I Never Will Marry" [Laws K17] (theme)
NOTES: The editors of Brown compare this to "Nancy of Yarmouth," but note that it is not the same song. In many ways it is better; it doesn't twist and turn as much.
The Chowan River has its headwaters in southern Virginia and flows into the North Carolina, meeting the sea in Albemarle Sound. But there is no localization beyond the mention of the river; one suspects British origin for the song (since it sounds like it involves a press gang). - RBW
File: BrII074
===
NAME: Chrissey's Dick
DESCRIPTION: Mary Ann sends Chrissey to borrow Aunt Margaret's dick [rooster] and set among the hens. In the morning the dick is gone. Chrissey goes out and finds it. Mary Ann will raise some chicks so "we won't have to bother Aunt Margaret for her dick"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1976 (Lehr/Best)
KEYWORDS: sex bawdy humorous wordplay chickens
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Lehr/Best 21, "Chrissey's Dick" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: In commenting on "Bill Wiseman," Peacock wrote "To an outsider unfamiliar with local sexual symbols it appears obscure, though perhaps mildly suggestive. Similar songs occur in our own popular music too.... Millions know the words but only a few know what's going on. In Newfoundland, everyone knows what's going on." - BS
File: LeBe021
===
NAME: Christ in the Garden
DESCRIPTION: The singer, wandering in a garden, meets a sorely troubled man. It proves to be Jesus. The singer kneels and begs forgiveness; Jesus grants it, and the singer goes out to spread the word
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1931 (Flanders/Brown)
KEYWORDS: Jesus religious
FOUND_IN: US(NE)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Flanders/Olney, pp. 210-211, "Christ in the Garden" (1 text, 1 tune)
Flanders/Brown, pp. 79-80, "Christ in the Garden" (1 short text)
ST FO210 (Partial)
Roud #4682
NOTES: This is rather a complicated mix of Biblical themes. Jesus's prayer before his arrest is said to have taken place in a garden in John 18:1, but Gethsemane is not called a garden in the other three gospels.
The mention of "blood, sweat, and tears" is unquestionably a reminiscence of Luke 22:43-44 -- verses which, however, are likely not part of Luke's original Greek; of the earliest seven Greek witnesses, six -- those known as P75 Aleph(1) A B T W -- omit, as do some later witnesses of great weight. The verses are found in the King James Bible, though, so English hymn-writers would certainly know them.
There is no known mention of visitors to Jesus in Gethsemane -- but, of course, the witnesses (Peter, James, John) were dozing off. - RBW
File: FO210
===
NAME: Christ Made a Trance (God Made a Trance)
DESCRIPTION: "Christ made a trance one Sunday at noon, He made it with his hand." The power of Christ, and the dangers of hell, are told; listeners are warned to keep the sabbath and to teach their children well
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 19908 (Leather)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad Jesus carol
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(West)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Leather, p. 192, "Christ Made a Trance" (1 text, 2 tunes)
ST Leath192 (Partial)
Roud #2112
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Moon Shines Bright" (The Bellman's Song)" (lyrics)
NOTES: Nearly every word of this is paralleled in "The Moon Shines Bright" and its relatives -- except the first verse. Songs beginning "God/Christ made a trance" go here; those which open with "The Moon Shines Bright" file there. Now if only we could figure out the actual relationship.... - RBW
File: Leath192
===
NAME: Christ Was a Weary Traveler
DESCRIPTION: "Christ was a weary trav'ler, He went from door to door, His occupation in life Was a-minist'ring to the poor." Jesus warns the disciples that his work is almost done, tells them what to do after his resurrection, and thanks God
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1952 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: religious Jesus work
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
BrownIII 559, "Christ Was a Weary Traveler" (1 text)
Roud #11882
NOTES: Although most of this is quite closely parallel to Biblical accounts, very little is actual allusion. The song, for instance, states that "I thank God for none but the pure in heart Before his face shall stand." The closest parallel to this is probably Matthew 11:25 (parallel to Luke 10:21), "I thank you, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, that you have hidden these things from the wise and understanding and have shown them to the infants."
The name "Jekkel" for "Jericho" (cf. Joshua 6) is also new to me -- but we find "Shorty" Love, the informant in this case, using the same pronunciation in "Jekkel Walls." - RBW
File: Br3559
===
NAME: Christ Was Born in Bethlea: see Christ Was Born in Bethlehem (File: MA189)
===
NAME: Christ Was Born in Bethlehem
DESCRIPTION: "Christ was born in Bethlehem (x3) and in a manger lay." In stanzas of eight lines (but only two distinct), the song lights on Jesus' birth, his ministry, his betrayal, death, the empty tomb, and Jesus's resurrection
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1918 (Cecil Sharp collection)
KEYWORDS: Jesus Bible Christmas
FOUND_IN: Australia US(Ap,SE)
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
BrownIII 537, "Jesus Born in Bethlehem" (1 text)
SharpAp 210, "Christ was Born in Bethlehem" (1 text, 1 tune)
Ritchie-Southern, p. 33, "Down Came an Angel" (1 text, 1 tune)
Meredith/Anderson, pp. 189-190, "Christ Was Born in Bethlehem" (1 text, 1 tune)
Chase, pp. 166-168, "Jesus Walked in Galilee" (1 text plus a fragment, 2 tunes)
Roud #1122
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "We Won't Go Home Until Morning" (tune) and references there
cf. "Can't Cross Jordan" (floating lyrics)
ALTERNATE_TITLES:
Christ Was Born in Bethlea
Jesus Borned in Bethlea
Jesus Born in Galilee
File: MA189
===
NAME: Christ-Child's Lullaby, The
DESCRIPTION: Gaelic. A lullaby for the baby Jesus. The singer (presumably Mary) describes the child's beauty, admits her role in great events, and praises the "white sun of hope"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1909 (Kennedy-Fraser)
KEYWORDS: lullaby Jesus religious nonballad foreignlanguage
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Hebr))
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Kennedy-Fraser I, pp. 28-30, "The Christ-Child's Lullaby (Taladh Chriosta)" (1 text+2 slightly different translations, 1 tune)
DT, CHRISTLU
NOTES: It is not clear whether this is Scots or Irish Gaelic in origin. Kennedy-Fraser's version, from Eriskay with words from Allan Macdonald, is obviously Scots. The Digital Tradition version is said to be a translation by Seamus Ennis from Irish Gaelic.
The various translations have achieved some popularity in English based on the beautiful tune. - RBW
File: DTChrilu
===
NAME: Christina: see Cairistiona (File: K005)
===
NAME: Christine Leroy [Laws H31]
DESCRIPTION: The dying singer tells how happy her  marriage was -- until beautiful Christine Leroy showed up and stole her husband. Now "you can tell then they murdered me, brother; God forgive him [her husband] and Christine Leroy"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1939
KEYWORDS: death infidelity husband wife
FOUND_IN: US(So,MW)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Laws H31, "Christine Leroy"
Randolph 797, "Christine Leroy" (1 text plus an excerpt, 1 tune)
Randolph/Cohen, pp. 509-511, "Christine Leroy" (1 text, 1 tune -- Randolph's 797A)
DT 654, CRSLEROY*
Roud #2193
File: LH31
===
NAME: Christmas Is Coming, the Goose Is Getting Fat
DESCRIPTION: "Christmas is coming, the goose is getting fat, Please put a penny in the old man's hat. If you haven't got a penny, a ha'penny will do. If you haven't got a ha'penny, then God bless you."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1947 (Baring-Gould)
KEYWORDS: money bird food Christmas
FOUND_IN: Britain(England) US
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Baring-Gould-MotherGoose #419, p. 195, "(Christmas is coming, the geese are getting fat)"
DT, XMASCOME*
ADDITIONAL: Peter and Iona Opie, _I Saw Esau: Traditional Rhymes of Youth_, #153, "(Christmas Is Coming)" (1 text)
NOTES: This seems to be rare in tradition, and yet *I* learned it that way, in a version still close to the British, since it mentions ha'pennies (which I first heard as "hay-pennies," which made no sense at all). So I'm filing it on the assumption it's going to be collected in tradition in the future, at least. - RBW
File: BGMG419
===
NAME: Christmas Letter, The
DESCRIPTION: Singer weeps and asks daughter Kate to reread letters from grandchildren in America. "One by one the lot of them Sailed out across the great big sea." The grandchildren are named and recalled. "Somehow it makes me better Ah, each time I hear the news" 
AUTHOR: Michael Scanlon? (source: Munnelly/Deasy-Lenihan)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1974 (Munnelly/Deasy-Lenihan)
KEYWORDS: emigration separation America Ireland moniker family
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Munnelly/Deasy-Lenihan 28, "The Christmas Letter" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Roud #5220
RECORDINGS:
Tom Lenihan, "The Christmas Letter" (on IRTLenihan01)
BROADSIDES:
This Blessed Christmas Day
NOTES: Munnelly/Deasy-Lenihan: A text from another singer, Martin Crehan, adds a verse that explains "... in the pleasant County Clare, Where there lived a widow lonely with her one daughter only Who stayed at home to care [for] her while the rest were gone away.... 'twas the eve of Christmas Day. They got letters, they got money, they felt lonely, somehow funny" - BS
For another song by Michael Scanlon, see "The Bold Fenian Men (I)." Zimmerman reports that that song was first printed in Chicago in 1864, so it is perhaps reasonable to see Scanlon writing about emigration. - RBW
File: RcChrLet
===
NAME: Christmas Rum
DESCRIPTION: Two underage boys are sentenced to fourteen days in jail for drinking Christmas rum. In jail they "worked from daylight until dark." Soon they'll be twenty-one and will be able to have "Christmas rum"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1960 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: drink youth prisoner punishment
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, pp. 869-870, "Christmas Rum" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9804
File: Pea869
===
NAME: Christofo Columbo: see Christopher Columbo (File: EM308)
===
NAME: Christopher Columbo
DESCRIPTION: Columbo, that navigating, masturbating son-of-a-bitch, sails the world round-o, master and crew engaging in a variety of sexual practices on land and sea.
AUTHOR: A (clean) version was copyrighted by Francis J. Bryant
EARLIEST_DATE: 1893 and the Columbian Exposition in Chicago
KEYWORDS: bawdy sex humorous whore exploration
FOUND_IN: Australia Canada US(MW,Ro,So,SW)
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
Harlow, pp. 55-58, "Christopher Columbus" (1 text, 1 tune)
Cray, pp. 308-315, "Christopher Columbo" (3 texts, 1 tune)
Randolph-Legman I, pp. 502-505, "Christopher Columbo" (2 texts, 1 tune)
Shay-SeaSongs, pp. 207-212, "Christofo Columbo" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, COLOMBO COLUMB2*
Roud #4843
RECORDINGS:
Anonymous singer, "Christopho Columbo" (on Unexp1)
Arkansas Charlie [pseud. for Charlie Craver], "Oh Christofo Columbo" (Brunswick 410, 1930)
Billy Jones, "Christofo Columbo" (CYL: Edison [BA] 5008, prob. 1925)
Billy Jones & Ernest Hare, "Christofo Columbo" (OKeh 40397, 1925)
Andy Kirk & his Mighty Clouds of Joy, "Christopher Columbus" (Decca 729, 1936)
Old Ced Odom & Lil "Diamonds" Hardaway, "Fourteen Hundred and Ninety-Two (Christopho Columbo)" (Decca, uniss.; rec. 1936)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Good Ship Venus" (lyrics)
NOTES: This song frequently borrows verses -- identifiable by their internal rhyme in the third line or "limerick form" -- from "The Good Ship Venus." 
This would not pass muster as a history of Christopher Columbus' voyage of 1492. - EC
A distinct understatement.
Incidentally, it is not clear whether this was originally clean or dirty. The 1893 date cited above is for a clean version, of which John Garst writes, "We all know 'Christofo Columbo' as a bawdy ballad, but in the Robert W. Gordon papers at the University of Oregon there is a 'clean' version, 'Written and Composed by Francis J. Bryant,' 'Copyright, 1893, by M. Witmark and Sons.  Entered at Stationers' Hall, London.... If you wonder how the chorus could be 'clean,' here it is:
He knew the earth was round, ho! that land it could be found, ho!
The geographic, hard and hoary navigator, gyratory Christofo Columbo."
Shay's clean version has the chorus
Oh, Christofo Columbo,
He thought the world was round-o;
That pioneering, buccaneering,
Son-of-a-gun, Columbo! - RBW
File: EM308
===
NAME: Christopher White [Child 108]
DESCRIPTION: A lady, mourning Christopher White's banishment, is wooed by the singer. She warns "If I prove false to Christopher White, Merchant, I cannot be true to thee," -- but marries him. While he is away she sends for Christopher; they go off, taking much wealth
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1750 (Percy manuscript)
KEYWORDS: love separation theft escape money
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Child 108, "Christopher White" (1 text)
BBI, ZN2, "Abroad as I was walking, all by the Park-side"
Roud #3974
File: C108
===
NAME: Chuck Wagon's Stuck, The: see Trouble for the Range Cook (The Chuck Wagon's Stuck) (File: Ohr098)
===
NAME: Chuck-Wagon Races
DESCRIPTION: "Come gather round the wagon, we'll sing a little song Of the wagon racing, it will not take us long, There's thrills and spills and doctor bills...." A description of the life of a wagon racer, and of many of the people in the wagon camp
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: travel cowboy recitation
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ohrlin-HBT 90, "Chuck-Wagon Races" (1 text)
File: Ohr090
===
NAME: Church Across the Way, The
DESCRIPTION: "On Easter Sunday morning when the sun was shinging clear," the congregation was having an intense service while the preacher's brother Ned lay dying across the way. The dying man wishes he had never gone astray
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Randolph)
KEYWORDS: death crime clergy Easter
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph 825, "The Church Across the Way" (1 text)
Roud #7438
NOTES: This piece can't seem to decide if it's a moralizing ballad or a tearjerker. I'd say it fails at both. - RBW
File: R825
===
NAME: Church in the Wildwood, The: see The Little Brown Church in the Vale (The Church in the Wildwood) (File: BdLBCitV)
===
NAME: Church's One Foundation, The
DESCRIPTION: "The Church's one foundation Is Jesus Christ her Lord, She is his new creation." The church draws people from everywhere. Jesus died for it. The singers hope to be taken to heaven
AUTHOR: Words: Samuel John Stone (1839-1900) / Music: Samuel Sebastian Wesley (1810-1876)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1982 (Johnson)
KEYWORDS: religious nonballad
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
ADDITIONAL: Charles Johnson, One Hundred and One Famous Hymns (Hallberg, 1982), pp, 58-59, "The Church's One Foundation" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #5433
NOTES: According to Johnson, this hymn was one of a series written by Stone based (very loosely) on the Apostle's Creed (which is, of course, not apostolic; According to Henry Bettenson, editor, _Documents of the Christian Church_, p. 24, the oldest text of the final Latin form of the Apostle's Creed exists in a document from c. 750. The earliest ancestor known to Bettenson is the creed of Marcellus of Ancyra, known as an Arian heretic; this version dates crom c. 340).
Johnson also reports that Stone did his writing in response to the works of John William Colenso (1814-1883), the Anglican Bishop of Natal from 1853. He had by that time written a popular set of books on mathematics, and once he became a Bishop, he used those analyrical skills to examine the Bible. He realized that large parts of the Old Testament were scientifically and historically impossible. He also championed the rights of the Blacks of South Africa. For the great sin of being 100% right, he was excommunicated and deposed from his bishopric in 1869. He is now largely forgotten. The song he inspired managed to make it into many hymnals, though it is not one of the more popuular ones in tradition. - RBW
File: Rd005433
===
NAME: Churn, Churn, Make Some Butter
DESCRIPTION: "Churn, churn, make some butter For my little girlie's supper." Lyrics, some borrowed, about making butter, cleaning house, courting, a lizard stealing a snake's hoecake....
AUTHOR: unknown (Ritchie family)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1955 (Ritchie)
KEYWORDS: food work children animal nonballad nonsense
FOUND_IN: US(Ap)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ritchie-SingFam, pp. 23-24, "Churn, Churn, Make Some Butter" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: JRSF023
===
NAME: Cielito Lindo
DESCRIPTION: Spanish: "Ese lunar que tienes, cielito lindo." Chorus: "Ay ay ay ay, canta y no llores, Porque cantando se allegran, cielito lindo, los corazones." The singer tells the girl of his love and how Cupid's arrow struck his heart
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1919
KEYWORDS: love courting Mexico foreignlanguage
FOUND_IN: Mexico
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
Sandburg, pp. 298-299, "Cielito Lindo" (1 text, 1 tune)
PSeeger-AFB, p. 23, "Cielito Lindo" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 327, "Cielito Lindo" (1 text)
Fuld-WFM, p. 172, "Cielito Lindo"
DT, CIELITOL
RECORDINGS:
Pete Seeger, "Cielito Lindo" (on PeteSeeger17)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf "I-Yi-Yi-Yi (Limericks)" (tune)
cf. "The Gay Caballero" (tune)
cf. "Sweet Violets" (tune)
NOTES: Fuld reports that Otto Mayer-Serro believes Quiruno Mendoza y Cortez wrote this song; Mendoza was granted copyright in Mexico in 1929. However, the earliest known printing (from 1919) lists no author, and Grove's Dictionary says the song was popular in Mexico before 1840. - RBW
File: San298
===
NAME: Cigarettes Will Spoil Yer Life
DESCRIPTION: "Cigarettes will spoil yer life, Ruin yer and kill yer baby, Poor little innocent child."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1927 (Sandburg)
KEYWORDS: injury disease nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(NE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Sandburg, p. 335, "Cigarettes Will Spoil Yer Life" (1 short text, 1 tune)
File: San335
===
NAME: Cindy
DESCRIPTION: "You ought to see my Cindy, She lives 'way down south, She's so sweet the honeybees Swarm around her mouth. Get along, Cindy, Cindy...." Describes attempts to court Cindy, as well as her occasional extravagances. Many floating verses
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1915
KEYWORDS: love courting playparty religious floatingverses
FOUND_IN: US(SE,So)
REFERENCES: (9 citations)
Randolph 564, "Get Along Home, Cindy" (2 texts, 1 tune)
BrownIII 404, "Cindy" (6 texts, mostly short, with the usual load of floating verses; some may be other songs with this chorus tacked on); also 163, "The Raccoon Has a Bushy Tail" (1 text plus 2 fragments; the "C" text has the chorus of "Cindy")
Fuson, p. 172, "Liza Jane" (1 text, probably a version of "Po' Liza Jane" but with a "Cindy...Cindy Jane" chorus)
Lomax-FSUSA 28, "Cindy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Lomax- FSNA 119, "Cindy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Botkin-AmFolklr, pp. 899-900, "Cindy" (1 text, 1 tune)
PSeeger-AFB, p. 61, "Cindy" (1 text, 1 tune)
Silber-FSWB, p. 35, "Cindy" (1 text)
DT, CIND
Roud #836
RECORDINGS:
Gene Austin, "Cindy" (c. 1927; on CrowTold01) (Victor 20873 [as by Bill Collins], 1927; this may be the same recording as the preceding)
Milton Brown & his Musical Brownies, "Get Along, Cindy" (Bluebird B-5654, 1934)
Samantha Bumgarner & Eva Davis, "Cindy in the Meadows" (Columbia 167-D, 1924)
W. E. Claunch, "Cindy" (AFS, 1939; on LC02)
Vernon Dalhart, "Cindy" (Challenge 405, c. 1928)
Lawrence & Vaughan Eller, "Cindy in the Summertime" (on FolkVisions1)
Ford & Grace, "Kiss Me Cindy" (OKeh 45157, 1927; on CrowTold02)
Ernest Hare & Al Bernard, "Cindy" (OKeh 40011, 1924; rec. 1923)
Hill Billies, "Old Time Cinda" (OKeh 40294, 1925); "Cinda" (Vocalion 5025/Brunswick 105 [as Al Hopkins & his Buckle Busters], 1927)
Bradley Kincaid, "Cindy" (Champion 15851 [as Dan Hughey]/Supertone 9568, 1929) (Brunswick 464, 1930)
Lulu Belle & Scotty "Get Along Home Cindy" (Conqueror 8594, 1935; Melotone 6-03-59, 1936; Vocalion 05487, 1940)
Bascom Lamar Lunsford, "Get Along Home, Cindy" (Brunswick 228, 1928)
J. E. Mainer's Mountaineers "Kiss Me Cindy" (Bluebird B-7289, 1937)
Shorty McCoy "Cindy" (Bluebird 33-0511, 1944)
New Lost City Ramblers, "Cindy" (on NLCR04)
Pickard Family, "Cindy" (Coast 253, n.d.)
Pope's Arkansas Mountaineers, "Get Along Home, Miss Cindy" (Victor 21577, 1928)
Poplin Family, "Cindy Gal" (on Poplin01)
Frank Proffitt, "Cindy" (on Proffitt03)
Riley Puckett  (w. Clayton McMichen), "Cindy" (Columbia 15232-D, 1928; rec. 1927)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Jinny Go Round and Around" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Whoop 'Em Up, Cindy"
cf. "Liza Jane" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Get On Board, Little Children" (tune)
cf. "I Met a Handsome Lady" (lyrics)
cf. "Turn, Julie-Ann, Turn" (floating lyrics)
cf. "Early Monday Morning" (floating lyrics)
File: LxU028
===
NAME: Cinnamon, Ginger, Nutmegs, and Cloves
DESCRIPTION: 
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 
KEYWORDS: 
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Of All the Birds
File: ChWI141
===
NAME: Circle Four in London
DESCRIPTION: "Circle four in London, And so I've heard then say, Right and left in London, And so I've heard them say." "Round the lady in London, And so..., Round the gent in London...." "Cut a figure eight in London...." "Twenty-five miles to sundown...."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (Randolph)
KEYWORDS: playparty nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph 558, "Circle Four in London" (2 fragments, 1 tune)
Roud #7658
File: R558
===
NAME: Circuit Rider's Home
DESCRIPTION: "Well, you know I have no permanent address, This rodeo cowboy's on the roam... The highway is a circuit rider's home." The rider mentions towns he has visited and horses he has ridden, and admits to whispering to the ladies before heading down the road
AUTHOR: Johnny Baker
EARLIEST_DATE: 1973
KEYWORDS: cowboy rambling
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ohrlin-HBT 93, "Circuit Rider's Home" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: Ohr093
===
NAME: Citadel Hill: see Back Bay Hill (File: FJ165)
===
NAME: Citi Na gCumann (Kitty of Loves)
DESCRIPTION: Irish Gaelic: Singer comes to bargain with his love's parents over her dowry. They cannot agree; they've heard he's married. He denies it; he only trifles with young women. He asks her to elope with him, or to marry in secret, or to emigrate with him
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1951 (recording, Maire O'Sullivan)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage courting dowry elopement love bargaining emigration father lover
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
DT, CITI/NA
RECORDINGS:
Maire O'Sullivan, "Citi Na gCumann" [incomplete] (on Lomax42, LomaxCD1742)
File: DTcitina
===
NAME: City of Baltimore, The: see Bold McCarthy (The City of Baltimore) [Laws K26] (File: LK26)
===
NAME: City of Refuge
DESCRIPTION: "There is coming a time and it won't be long, You will attend to your business and let mine alone." "You better run." ("Run to the city of refuge.") "Paul and Silas bound in jail."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (Scarborough)
KEYWORDS: religious Bible
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
BrownIII 560, "City of Refuge" (1 fragment)
Scarborough-NegroFS, pp. 208-209, "City of Refuge" (1 fragment of the chorus, 1 tune (which includes the verse even though the informant did not remember the words))
Roud #11828
RECORDINGS:
Blind Willie Johnson, "I'm Gonna Run to the City of Refuge" (Columbia 14391-D, 1929; on BWJ01)
NOTES: Brown's version is not at all clear why this should be considered a "City of Refuge" text; it never mentions those words, and is a fragment. But there isn't much else to go on.
The mention in song of "cities of refuge" is strange in any case: The cities of refuge were for "the manslayer who kills any person without intent" (Numbers 35:11).
Nor is there any mention of the cities of refuge ever actually being used; they are not mentioned outside Exodus-Deuteronomy, and the few Biblical instances of people wanting sanctuary involve the criminal fleeing into the temple and seizing the horns of the altar (e.g. Joab in 1 Kings 2:28) - RBW
File: Br3560
===
NAME: Civil War Song
DESCRIPTION: "You good folks don't scarcely know What we poor soldiers undergo... To defend our country from all harms." The singer described early drill, "lean and tough" beef, etc. The singer gives his name as A. T. Hyte, who wrote the song while on picket in winter
AUTHOR: Credited in the lyrics to A. T. Hyte (Hiatt?)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1936 (Hudson)
KEYWORDS: hardtimes soldier food Civilwar
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Hudson 115, p. 257, "Civil War Song" (1 text)
Roud #4499
File: Hud115
===
NAME: Clady River Water Bailiffs, The
DESCRIPTION: The singer tells listeners where to go hunt salmon(-poachers). He praises the bailiffs who protect the streams, and describes how they watch the poachers. The bailiffs (?) will provide "dark and stormy weather" to any poachers on the water
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1938 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: fishing police
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H764, p. 32, "The Clady River Water Bailiffs" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #13352
NOTES: Said by Sam Henry to have been written by a policeman, and while it's hard to tell because the song is so vague, this seems likely enough; the piece appears to praise the police who catch illegal salmon-fishers. - RBW
File: HHH764
===
NAME: Clairons Sonnaient la Charge, Les (The Bugler Sounded the Charge)
DESCRIPTION: French. The bugler, an old warrior, sounds the charge. The zouaves go to face the enemy. The bugler leads the charge on the bayonets, always sounding, sounding.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1959 (Peacock)
KEYWORDS: foreignlanguage army battle war death
FOUND_IN: Canada(Newf)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Peacock, pp. 992-993, "Les Clairons Sonnaient la Charge" (1 text, 1 tune)
NOTES: The zouaves were, originally, French infantry composed of Algerians. They became famous, and the model for the British West India Regiment and US Civil War regiments [though the many "zouave" units in the Civil War were so-called simply because of their ornate uniforms -- which they generally abandoned in short order - RBW], fighting on the heights of Alma during the Crimean War. Source: The site for Coppen's (1st Battalion Louisiana) Zouaves - BS
File: Pea992
===
NAME: Clanconnell War Song, The: see O'Donnell Aboo (File: PGa012)
===
NAME: Clancy's Prayer
DESCRIPTION: The speaker overhears Clancy praying, "May bad luck fall on one and all Who try to cut our wages." Clancy describes their misdeeds, accuses them of ruining New South Wales, and calls the devil down upon them.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1968
KEYWORDS: Devil labor-movement curse
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Meredith/Anderson, pp. 254-255, "Clancy's Prayer" (1 text, 1 tune)
File: MA254
===
NAME: Clare de Kitchen (II): see Old Virginny Never Tire (File: ScaNF109)
===
NAME: Clare's Dragoons
DESCRIPTION: "When, on Ramillies' bloody field, The baffled French were forced to yield, The victor Saxon backward reeled Before the charge of Clare's dragoons." The Irish soldiers proclaim their prowess and wish they were fighting for Ireland
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1843 (a fragment quoted by Zimmermann, p. 85, from Thomas Davis _The Spirit of the Nation_, p. 292; the 1843 date for _The Spirit of the Nation_ is from "Thomas Davis" on "Mallow 'The Crossroads of Munster'" site.)
KEYWORDS: war battle bragging Ireland
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1706 - Battle of Ramillies. Forces of the Grand Alliance under Marlborough heavily defeat the French
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
PGalvin, pp. 19-20, "Clare's Dragoons" (1 text, 1 tune)
Zimmermann, p. 85, "Clare's Dragoons" (1 fragment)
DT, CLAREDRG*
ADDITIONAL: Kathleen Hoagland, editor, One Thousand Years of Irish Poetry (New York, 1947), pp. 479-481, "Clare's Dragoons" (1 text)
BROADSIDES:
Bodleian, Harding B 18(86), "Clare's Dragoons", H. De Marsan (New York), 1861-1864; also 2806 c.8(203), "Lord Clare's Dragoon"
NOTES: Thousands of Irishmen left home after the disasters of the Boyne and Aughrim. These "Wild Geese" often found employment as mercenaries. One such troop was "Clare's Dragoons," which fought for France during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714). It doubtless gave the exiles some pleasure to fight with France against the Grand Alliance (Britain, Austria, and assorted lesser states).
Despite the boasting found in this song, the Irish did not significantly influence the outcome of Ramillies, which was an overwhelming Alliance victory.
Hoagland lists the song as by Thomas Davis, but all we can prove is that he published it. - RBW
Broadside Bodleian Harding B 18(86): H. De Marsan dating per _Studying Nineteenth-Century Popular Song_ by Paul Charosh in American Music, Winter 1997, Vol 15.4, Table 1, available at FindArticles site. - BS
File: PGa019
===
NAME: Clarence McFaden: see Clarence McFadden (Teaching McFadden to Waltz) (File: GC170)
===
NAME: Clarence McFaden (Teaching McFadden to Waltz)
DESCRIPTION: "Clarence McFaden he wanted to waltz, But his feet was not gaited that way." His teacher charges high because "your right foot is lazy, your left foot is crazy." He puts a girl on crutches, and kicks the floorboards from his bed
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1931 (Gardner/Chickering)
KEYWORDS: dancing humorous
FOUND_IN: US(MW,SE) Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Gardner/Chickering 170, "Clarence McFaden" (1 text)
ST GC170 (Partial)
Roud #3707
RECORDINGS:
Roy Harvey, "Learning McFadden to Waltz" (Columbia, unissued, 1927)
Roy Harvey &Leonard Copeland, "Learning McFayden to Dance" (Columbia, unissued, 1930)
NOTES: I'm almost tempted to give this the keyword "disaster." - RBW
File: GC170
===
NAME: Clark Sanders: see Clerk Saunders [Child 69] (File: C069)
===
NAME: Claude Allen [Laws E6]
DESCRIPTION: Claude Allen is placed on trial and, due to the Governor's indifference, is handed over for execution, leaving his mother and sweetheart to mourn
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1917 (Brown)
KEYWORDS: trial execution family mourning
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: 1912 - Trial of the Allen family. While in court, Sidney Allen shot the judge, and the rest of the family was soon shooting too. Sidney was sentenced to prison, but Claud and Floyd Allen were sentenced to death
FOUND_IN: US(Ro,SE)
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Laws E6, "Claude Allen"
BrownII 246, "Claud Allen" (2 texts plus mention of 2 more)
Burt, pp. 253-254, "(Claud Allen)" (1 text)
DT 771, CLAUDALN
Roud #2245
RECORDINGS:
Clarence Ashley & Doc Watson, "Claude Allen" (on Ashley02)
Hobart Smith, "Claude Allen" (on FOTM) (on LomaxCD1705)
Ernest V. Stoneman and His Blue Ridge Cornshuckers, "Claude Allen" (Victor, unissued, 1928)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Sidney Allen" [Laws E5] (characters)
cf. "The Triplett Tragedy" (tune)
NOTES: For a bit of background to this song, see the notes to "Sidney Allen." Although the whole tragedy occurred in the twentieth century, it appears very little is known of this family.
Clarence Ashley said that he taught the ballad to Hobart Smith c. 1918, but that's a bit tenuous to assign an earliest date. - PJS
Even more curious are Burt's notes. Her source was one Dragline Miller of Ely, Nevada, who from her description sounds to have been born in 1875 or earlier. He said he learned this *before* his prospecting days. Given that the shooting occurred in 1912, when Miller was at least 37, something odd is going on. Though  the strongest likelihood is simply that Miller's memory was bad. - RBW
File: LE06
===
NAME: Claudy Green
DESCRIPTION: The singer walks out to hear the birds sing and see the fish swim when he is distracted by a girl. He asks her if she is Diana or Venus, and says he will serve for fourteen years, as Jacob did, to win her. She rejects him and leaves
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1926 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: love courting rejection beauty
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H115b, pp. 241-242, "Claudy Green" (1 text, 1 tune); H115a, p. 355, "Claudy Green" (1 text, 1 tune -- the same as the preceding)
Roud #9479
NOTES: Finally a girl with the sense to turn down one of these brainless suitors! One wonders what the singer would have done if the girl *had* been Diana (mentioned in the a text though not the b), the eternally virgin huntress?
The story of Jacob serving for fourteen years to win the hands of Rachel and Leah is told in Genesis 29:15-30. - RBW
File: HHH115a
===
NAME: Clay Morgan: see Duncan Campbell (Erin-Go-Bragh) [Laws Q20] (File: LQ20)
===
NAME: Clayton Boone
: see The Gypsy Laddie [Child 200] (File: C200)
===
NAME: Clear Away the Morning Dew: see The Baffled Knight [Child 112] (File: C112)
===
NAME: Clear Cauld Water, The
DESCRIPTION: "Farewell to whisky ... Now I wad leave ye a' for the clear cauld water." The singer bids farewell to ginshops, "a' drunken body," alewives, wine, porter, brandy, ruin, "filthy stews" and intemperance.
AUTHOR: Robert Gray Mason (source: GreigDuncan3, correcting Greig's entry)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1905 (GreigDuncan3)
KEYWORDS: drink nonballad
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Greig #175, p. 1, "The Clear Cauld Water" (1 text)
GreigDuncan3 604, GreigDuncan8 Addenda, "The Clear Cauld Water" (4 texts, 4 tunes)
Roud #6052
NOTES: GreigDuncan3: "George F Duncan states that the song was sung by Robert Mackie's grandfather, who died at great age, and must have sung it about the beginning of the nineteenth century." - BS
File: GrD3604
===
NAME: Clear the Track (I)
DESCRIPTION: "Ho, the car Emancipation Rides majestic through the nation, Bearing on its train the story, Liberty! a nation's glory." Those who oppose freedom for the slaves are warned that the train is coming and will accomplish its end
AUTHOR: Words: Jesse Hutchinson / Music: Dan Emmett
EARLIEST_DATE: 1844 (sheet music)
KEYWORDS: freedom political slavery train
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (3 citations)
Silber-CivWar, pp. 48-49, "Clear the Track" (1 text, 1 tune)
Greenway-AFP, p. 87, "Get Off the Track" (1 text)
Cohen-LSRail, pp. 46, 48, "(Get Off the Track)" (1 excerpt plus a photo of part of the sheet music)
RECORDINGS:
Pete Seeger, "Clear the Track" (on PeteSeeger28)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Old Dan Tucker" (tune)
SAME_TUNE:
The Workingman's Train (Greenway-AFP, pp. 87-88)
NOTES: The sheet music dedicates this to Nathaniel P. Rogers "as a mark of esteem for his intrepidity in the cause of Human Rights." Intrepid he may have been; famous he was not. - RBW
File: SCW48
===
NAME: Clear the Track and Let the Bullgine Run: see Margot Evans (Let the Bullgine Run) (File: LoF029)
===
NAME: Clear the Track, Let the Bullgine Run: see Margot Evans (Let the Bullgine Run) (File: LoF029)
===
NAME: Clear, Winding Ayr, The: see Burns and His Highland Mary [Laws O34] (File: LO34)
===
NAME: Clem Murphy's Door: see On the Steps of the Dole Office Door (File: MA225)
===
NAME: Clementine
DESCRIPTION: The singer reports on the death of his beloved Clementine, the daughter of a (Forty-Niner). One day, leading her ducklings to water, she trips and falls in. The singer, "no swimmer," helplessly watches her drown
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1863
KEYWORDS: death drowning love
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (9 citations)
RJackson-19CPop, pp. 148-151, "Oh My Darling Clementine" (1 text, 1 tune)
Fife-Cowboy/West 34, "Clementine" (1 text, 1 tune)
Meredith/Covell/Brown, p. 68, "Mazurka: Clementine" (1 tune)
Spaeth-ReadWeep, p. 85, "Clementine" (1 text, 1 tune)
PSeeger-AFB, p. 27, "Clementine" (1 text, 1 tune)
Pankake-PHCFSB, p. 272, "Clementine" (1 text)
Silber-FSWB, p. 241, "Clementine" (1 text)
Fuld-WFM, pp. 174-175, "Clementine"
DT, CLEMENTI* (CLEMENT3*) (CLEMENT4)
ST RJ19148 (Full)
Roud #9611
RECORDINGS:
Logan English, "Clementine" (on LEnglish02)
Bradley Kincaid, "Darlin' Clementine" (Decca W4271, 1934)
Pete Seeger, "Clementine" (on PeteSeeger24)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Silver Jack" [Laws C24] (tune)
SAME_TUNE:
Found a Peanut (Pankake-PHCFSB, pp. 28-29)
Oh My Monster, Frankenstein (Pankake-PHCFSB, p. 219)
The Atoms In Their Glory ("There the atoms in their glory, Ionize and recombine. Oh my darlings, oh my darlings, Oh my darlings, Ions mine"; said to have been sung by Ernest Rutherford himself; see Edward O. Wilson, _The Diversity of Life_, p. 46)
NOTES: In some of the modern versions, the song ends when the singer kisses Clementine's younger sister and forgets Clementine. - (PJS)
The words to this piece were first published in 1863 under the title "Down by the River Lived a Maiden," credited to H. S. Thompson. This printing had a melody, but it was not the "standard" melody. The text was also rather different (in minstrel dialect); Norm Cohen gives the first verse as
Down by the river there lived a maiden
In a cottage built just 7 x 9;
And all around this lubly bower
The beauteous sunflower blossoms twine.
Chorus: Oh my Clema, oh my Clema, Oh my darling Clementine,
Now you are gone and lost forever,
I'm dreadful sorry Clementine.
In 1864 a text appeared in "Billy Morris' Songs" in which Clementine appears as little short of a legendary monster; she is even reported to have grown wool.
In 1884 the piece reappeared, with the famous tune, this time credited to "Percy Montrose," under the title "Oh My Darling Clementine."
Since neither Thompson nor Montrose is known, the authorship of the song probably cannot be settled.
It is reported by reliable sources that this song was originally intended to be serious. No doubt a few thousand enterprising parodists would be amazed. - RBW
File: RJ19148
===
NAME: Clerk Colvill [Child 42]
DESCRIPTION: (Clerk Colvill) is warned (by his mother/lover) not to be too free with women. He refuses the advice; "Did I neer see a fair woman, But I wad sin with her body?" A woman gives him a fatal headache and turns into a mermaid to avoid being killed by him
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1769 (Herd)
KEYWORDS: sex sin courting infidelity magic death
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (8 citations)
Child 42, "Clerk Colvill" (3 texts, 2 tunes)
Bronson 42, "Clerk Colvill" (1 version)
Leach, pp. 149-150, "Clerk Colville" (1 text)
OBB 29, "Clerk Colven" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 30, "Clerk Colvill" (1 text,  which includes textual interpolations heretofore unpublished)
Gummere, pp. 197-199+347-348, "Clerk Colven" (1 text)
Hodgart, p. 39, "Clerk Colvill" (1 text)
DT 42, CLRKCLVL
Roud #147
NOTES: A number of scholars (Coffin, Lloyd, Bronson) have speculated that "Clerk Colvill" is actually a fragment of a longer ballad, "George Collins," with "Lady Alice" [Child 85] forming the rest. See the discussion in the notes to "Lady Alice." - RBW
File: C042
===
NAME: Clerk in ta Offish, Ta
DESCRIPTION: "Noo Rosie se'll be prood, and Rosie she'll be praw.. For ta praw, praw lad's come an' tookit her awa'; She's a praw lad, a clerk in an offish." The clerk's education, mathematical ability, and lack of ancestry are emphasized
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1901 (Ford)
KEYWORDS: worker humorous nonballad
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Ford-Vagabond, pp. 283-284, "Ta Clerk in ta Offish" (1 text)
Roud #13099
NOTES: Obviously a composed song, and a strange one at that -- the dialect appears to be Scots done with a "Dutch" (stage German) accent. - RBW
File: FVS283
===
NAME: Clerk Saunders [Child 69]
DESCRIPTION: (Clerk Sanders) and his lady are determined to be wed despite the opposition of her seven brothers. Despite great pains to conceal their acts, they are found abed together. The brothers stab him to death and leave him in bed for his lady to find
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1802 (Scott)
KEYWORDS: courting death murder family
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland)
REFERENCES: (8 citations)
Child 69, "Clerk Saunders" (7 texts)
Bronson 69, "Clerk Saunders" (3 versions)
Leach, pp. 234-236, "Clerk Saunders" (1 text)
OBB 27, "Clerk Saunders" (1 text)
Friedman, p. 94, "Clerk Saunders" (1 text)
PBB 30, "Clark Sanders" (1 text)
Hodgart, p. 56, "Clerk Saunders" (1 text)
DT 69, CLERKSAN
Roud #3855
File: C069
===
NAME: Clerk's Twa Sons o Owsenford, The [Child 72]
DESCRIPTION: The clerk's two sons go to (Paris/Blomsbury/Billsbury/Berwick) to study. They lay with the mayor's two daughters. The mayor condemns them to hang.  The clerk comes to buy their freedom but the mayor refuses. He tells his wife they're at a higher school.
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1829
KEYWORDS: adultery trial punishment execution lie family children
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Bord))
REFERENCES: (5 citations)
Child 72, "The Clerk's Twa Sons o Owsenford" (4 texts)
Bronson 72, "The Clerk's Twa Sons o Owsenford" (2 versions)
Leach, pp. 237-238, "The Clerk's Twa Sons o Owsenford" (1 text)
PBB 53, "The Clerk's Twa Sons o Owsenford" (1 text)
DBuchan 31, "The Clerk's Twa Sons o Owsenford" (1 text)
Roud #3902
NOTES: Bronson notes that both his tunes have texts mixed with "The Wife of Usher's Well." Since, however, both appear to be composite, there is no proof that the two are related except that both involve sending children away for education (standard practice among the English nobility in the Middle Ages, even if "education" at the time meant training in weapons). - RBW
File: C072
===
NAME: Click Go the Shears
DESCRIPTION: A description of shearing life: The race to shear the most sheep, the boss complaining of the quality, the constant clicking of the shears. The rules for shearing are briefly mentioned. Chorus:  "Click, click, click, that's how the shears go...."
AUTHOR: unknown (music by Henry Clay Work: "Ring the Bell, Watchman")
EARLIEST_DATE: 1953 (collected by John Meredith)
KEYWORDS: sheep work contest
FOUND_IN: Australia
REFERENCES: (4 citations)
Meredith/Anderson, p. 24, "Click, Click, That's How the Shears Go"; pp. 193-194, "Click Go the Shears" (2 texts, 2 tunes)
Fahey-Eureka, pp. 152-153, "Click Go the Shears" (1 text, 1 tune)
Paterson/Fahey/Seal, pp. 180-183, "Click Go the Shears" (1 text)
DT, CLKSHEAR*
Roud #8398
RECORDINGS:
John Greenway, "Click Go the Shears" (on JGreenway01)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Ring the Bell, Watchman" (tune)
File: MA024
===
NAME: Click, Click, That's How the Shears Go: see Click Go the Shears (File: MA024)
===
NAME: Clifton Tragedy, The
DESCRIPTION: "A gray-haried mother knelt in prayer Before the holy light And the image of Christ was there...." She prays to "He, who... changed a raging tempest To a calm...." But the storm raged on, and the Clifton sank. The crew begged for mercy on their souls
AUTHOR: probably Peter Gallagher
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1952 (Helan Collar collection, included in the Walton collection)
KEYWORDS: ship sailor wreck death religious
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Sep 21/22, 1924 - Loss of the _Clilfton_
FOUND_IN: US(MW)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Walton/Grimm/Murdock, pp. 179-180, "The Clifton Tragedy" (1 text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Seaman's Lament" (subject: The Clifton Wreck)
cf. "The Clifton's Crew" (subject: The Clifton Wreck)
cf. "The Clifton" (subject: The Clifton Wreck)
NOTES: Bruce D. Berman's _Encyclopedia of American Shipwrecks_ (Mariner's Press, 1972) says that the _Clifton_, built 1892, foundered on the night of September 21, 1924; Walton says September 22. I would assume this is the same night. Walton says she went down with all hands; Berman that there were 27 men lost.
David Ritchie, _Shipwrecks: An Encyclopedia of the World's Worst Disasters at Sea_, 1996 (I use the 1999 Checkmark paperback edition), pp. 46-47, has extensive notes on the _Clifton_ mystery. It was a "pig boat" or "whaleback," a craft designed with a very rounded bow, stern, and sides. These were designed to roll through Great Lakes storms -- and in fact most of them had admirable safety records. But they were not especially easy to maneuver.
The _Clifton_ was worse than usual in this regard, because it had special loading equipment which made it very top-heavy.
The _Clifton_ took on a load of crushed rock on September 20, 1924 at Sturgeon Bay, Wisconson, and headed for Detroit. A storm blew up during the voyage, but the boats which saw it on its journey reported no signs of trouble. _Clifton_ was last seen by the tug _Favorite_ off Forty Mile Point.
When the boat failed to reach its destination, a search was started, by air and water. Although wreckage was found almost at once, it took some time before the _Glencairn_ found debris which could definitely be associated with the _Clifton_. One of the things recovered was the ship's clock, which had stopped at about four o'clock; presumably that was when the boat went down.
It is unlikely that there was anything mechanically wrong with the _Clifton_, which had sound engines and had been recently inspected. The cause of her loss is unknown. The suspicion, though, is that it had something to do with the way her deck equipment or hatches were designed.
This may be the most explicitly Catholic song I have ever seen among sailors; the sailors pray less to God or Jesus than to Mary. Presumably Captain Emmett Gallagher and his family were Catholic. - RBW
File: QGM179
===
NAME: Clifton, The
DESCRIPTION: "Steaming out of the Straits of Mackinac, She blew her last salute, Five whistles told her company's name...." The Clifton sails for Detroit with a cargo of stone. A storm blows up without warning. The ships sinks with all hands
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: before 1952 (Walton collection)
KEYWORDS: ship disaster death
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Sep 21/22, 1924 - Loss of the _Clilfton_
FOUND_IN: US
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Walton/Grimm/Murdock, pp. 184-185, "The Clifton" (1 defective text, source unknown)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Clifton Tragedy" (subject: The Clifton Wreck) and references and notes there
File: WGM184
===
NAME: Clifton's Crew, The
DESCRIPTION: "We have heard of many happenings since last year first began, With crimes and troubles caused by war and earthquakes in Japan," but the wreck of the Clifton brought sorrow hom. The singer lists some of the dead, and hopes for their salvation
AUTHOR: probably Pat Bonner
EARLIEST_DATE: 2002 (Walton/Grimm/Murdock, which does not list an informant)
KEYWORDS: ship wreck religious family
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: Sep 21/22, 1924 - Loss of the _Clilfton_
FOUND_IN: 
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Walton/Grimm/Murdock, pp. 181-184, "The Clifton's Crew" (1 text, 1 tune)
RECORDINGS:
Patrick Bonner, "The Clifton's Crew" (1938; on WaltonSailors -- curiously, although recorded from the supposed author, the recording begins with the ninth verse of the printed text)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The Clifton Tragedy" (subject: The Clifton Wreck) and references and notes there
NOTES: The notes in Walton/Grimm/Murdock note acidly that author Pat Bonner was by all accounts "a better fiddler than he was a poet." Certainly this song is much longer than it should be. It is also unusually explicit in its Catholic imagery -- a trait it shares with "The _Clifton_ Tragedy." It would appear that the Clifton's crew was heavily Catholic. - RBW
File: WGM181
===
NAME: Climbing Up My Old Apple Tree
DESCRIPTION: Singer explains to Bridget why he is climbing the tree. "I'm not stealing apples, so I can explain. The wind blowed high and knocked 'em down. We're picking them up again!"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1974 (recording, Jasper Smith)
KEYWORDS: theft food humorous nonballad talltale
FOUND_IN: Britain(England(Lond))
REFERENCES: (0 citations)
RECORDINGS:
Jasper Smith, "Climbing Up My Old Apple Tree" (on Voice14)
File: RcCUMOAT
===
NAME: Climbing Up the Golden Stairs
DESCRIPTION: Advice for getting into heaven. The listener is warned against bribing Peter, and is told of the sights on the Golden Stairs. Chorus: "Then hear them bells a-ringing, 'Tis sweet I do declare, To hear the darkies singing, Climbing up the golden stairs."
AUTHOR: unknown (credited on Kanawha Singers recording to "Heiser")
EARLIEST_DATE: 1928 (recordings, Vernon Dalhart et al, Kanawha Singers)
KEYWORDS: religious music Bible clergy
FOUND_IN: US(So)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Randolph 301, "Climbin' Up the Golden Stairs" (1 text)
Roud #7779
RECORDINGS:
Vernon Dalhart & Carson J. Robison w. Adelyne Hood, "Climbing up de Golden Stairs" (Conqueror 7176, 1928)
Frank Welling & John McGhee, "Climbing Up the Golden Stairs" (Champion 15567, 1928)
Kanawha Singers, "Climbing Up de Golden Stairs" (Brunswick 205, 1928)
[John Wallace "Babe"] Spangler & [Dave] Pearson, "Climbing Up the Golden Stairs" (OKeh, unissued, 1929)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Ridin' on de Cable Car" (tune)
File: R301
===
NAME: Clinch Mountain: see Rye Whiskey AND The Wagoner's Lad (File: R405)
===
NAME: Clipper Ship Dreadnaught, The: see The Dreadnought [Laws D13] (File: LD13)
===
NAME: Clock, The
DESCRIPTION: At nine the clock said "quick, quick to bed" because "you'll never hae wealth, Gin ye dinna rise in the mornin'"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1908 (GreigDuncan3)
KEYWORDS: warning work nonballad
FOUND_IN: Britain(Scotland(Aber))
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
GreigDuncan3 658, "The Clock" (1 fragment, 1 tune)
Roud #6085
NOTES: GreigDuncan3 notes that there is at least a second verse but only two lines are remembered. - BS
File: GrD3658
===
NAME: Clones Murder, The
DESCRIPTION: John Flanagan was murdered after cashing a cheque for fifty pounds. His body was discovered in Clones town eight months later. The suspect is in Armagh gaol. "He who killed John Flanagan With revengence must repay." "God comfort his poor parents"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1980 (IRHardySons)
KEYWORDS: murder prison money
HISTORICAL_REFERENCES: December 22, 1904 - Joseph Fee is executed for the April 16, 1903 murder of John Flanigan (source: Morton-Maguire).
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: ()

Roud #2919
RECORDINGS:
Tom Tinneny, "The Clones Murder" (on IRHardySons)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Fee and Flannigan" (subject)
File: RcCloMur
===
NAME: Clonmel Flood, The
DESCRIPTION: Sprong, loaded with Indian ale, is caught in a heavy storm in the river Suir, grounds in Duckett Street, and floats in Church Lane. They dump ballast, including Kitty Conroy's pig. They anchor at Hearn's Hotel. The lifeboat crew bring whiskey and stout
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1965 (OLochlainn-More)
KEYWORDS: river commerce ship storm humorous talltale sailor animal
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
OLochlainn-More 17B, "The Clonmel Flood" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #9776
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "The E-ri-e" (theme) and references there
NOTES: Clonmel, South Tipperary, is on the river Suir. - BS
File: OLcM017B
===
NAME: Closet Key, The
DESCRIPTION: "I done lost de closet key, In dem ladies' garden, I done lost de closet key In dem ladies' garden." "Help me find de closet key...." "I done found de closet key...."
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1925 (Scarborough)
KEYWORDS: playparty nonballad
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
Scarborough-NegroFS, p. 139, "The Closet Key" (1 text, 1 tune)
Roud #11593
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Do, Do, Pity My Case" (lyrics) and references there
File: ScaNF139
===
NAME: Clothier, The: see Kate and Her Horns [Laws N22] (File: LN22)
===
NAME: Cloudburst, The
DESCRIPTION: "...The worst tropical storm that ever was seen...  struck with force on the mountainside." A little boy begs his parents to flee, but the house comes down around them. When neighbors seek the family, they learn that three of five children have died
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1935
KEYWORDS: death storm children family disaster
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
McNeil-SFB2, pp. 92-93, "The Cloudburst" (1 text, 1 tune)
ST MN2092 (Partial)
Roud #4776
File: MN2092
===
NAME: Cloughmills Fair
DESCRIPTION: The singer is wandering toward Ballylig when he meets a "charming fair one." He asks leave to court her; she tells him she is not interested. He asks if he may walk along with her. She consents; the road is free. Now they are meeting regularly
AUTHOR: Hugh McWilliams (source: Moulden-McWilliams)
EARLIEST_DATE: 1831 (according to Moulden-McWilliams)
KEYWORDS: love courting beauty
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
SHenry H121, pp. 270-271, "Cloughmills Fair" (1 text, 1 tune)
ADDITIONAL: John Moulden, Songs of Hugh McWilliams, Schoolmaster, 1831 (Portrush,1993), p. 12, "I'll See You in the Fair"
Roud #6921
File: HHH121
===
NAME: Cloughwater/The Shamrock Shore
DESCRIPTION: The singer recalls coming to Philadelphia in May (18)56. He was received by friends, and is "happy and contented," but thinks often of Ireland. He remembers home, friends, family. He hopes to earn enough money to return to Erin
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1935 (Sam Henry collection)
KEYWORDS: emigration homesickness
FOUND_IN: Ireland
REFERENCES: (1 citation)
SHenry H610, p. 208-209, "Cloughwater/The Shamrock Shore" (1 text, 1 tune)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Scarborough Settler's Lament" (theme) and references there
File: HHH610
===
NAME: Cluck Old Hen
DESCRIPTION: "Cluck old hen, cluck and squall, you ain't laid an egg since way last fall." The exploits (?) of the hen are listed: "She laid eggs for the railroadmen." "The old hen cackled, cackled in the lot. Next time she cackled, she cackled in the pot"
AUTHOR: unknown
EARLIEST_DATE: 1923 (recording, Fiddlin' John Carson)
KEYWORDS: bird humorous nonballad chickens
FOUND_IN: US(SE)
REFERENCES: (2 citations)
Warner 120, "Cluck Old Hen" (1 text, 1 tune)
DT, CLUCKHEN*
ST Wa120 (Full)
Roud #4235
RECORDINGS:
Clarence Ashley & Tex Isley, "Cluck Old Hen" (on Ashley01)
Clarence Ashley, Clint Howard & Doc Watson, "Cluck Old Hen" [instrumental version] (WatsonAshley01)
Banjo Bill Cornett, "Cluck Old Hen" (on MMOK, MMOKCD)
[G. B.] Grayson & [Henry] Whitter, "Cluck Old Hen" (Gennett 6656/Champion 15629, 1928)
Al Hopkins & his Buckle Busters, "Cluck Old Hen" ((Brunswick 175, 1927; on CrowTold02; Vocalion 5179 [as the Hill Billies], 1927; on LostProv)
Vester Jones, "Cluck Old Hen" (on GraysonCarroll1)
Fiddlin' Powers & Family, "Cluck Old Hen" (Edison 52083, 1927; rec. 1925) (CYL: Edison [BA] 5246 [as, "Cluck, Old Hen"], c. 1926)
Wade Ward, "Cluck Old Hen" [instrumental] (on LomaxCD1702)
Wade Ward & Bogtrotters, "Cluck Old Hen" (on Holcomb-Ward1) (AFS, 1937; on WWard1)
CROSS_REFERENCES:
cf. "Hen Cackle" (lyrics)
cf. "Henhouse Door (Who Broke the Lock?)" (floating verses)
cf. "Higgledy Piggledy, My Black Hen" (floating verses)
File: Wa120
===
NAME: Clyde's Water: see The Mother's Malison, or, Clyde's Water [Child 216] (File: C216)
===